UN’s Louise Arbour Under Fire Over Rwanda

thruthout

UN’s Louise Arbour Under Fire Over Rwanda

by:   |  United Press International

Also see below:
Peter Erlinder | The “Rwanda Genocide” Cover-up
The US Sponsored “Rwanda Genocide” and Its Aftermath

Wednesday 09 April 2008

Kigali – The former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour is responsible for covering up the murder of the deceased President of Rwanda, the President of Burundi and many other persons who were assassinated on April 06 1994, a senior attorney with the UN Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) has alleged.

Lead Counsel Christopher Black who is defending General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, former Chief of Staff of Rwandan Gendarmerie says that Louise Arbour – as Chief Prosecutor of the ICTR conspired with some countries to cover up investigations into allegations against the RPF.

According to the Canadian Barrister, Ms. Arbour, 61, is a “criminal, corrupt, (and) a shame to all Canadians”. The sooner she is indicted and thrown in prison the better, says Mr. Black – who was reacting to an interview of the former senior UN officer on CBC. Ms. Arbour announced Sunday that she was retiring after years of international service.

In 1997, Ms. Arbour is said to have been informed by her chief of investigations, Australian Michael Hourigan and his team, including FBI agent Jim Lyons and Canadian police officers assigned to their unit that it was the RPF who had shot down the plane and massacred all those people.

“But instead of indicting Paul Kagame and the RPF men who had murdered all those people she ordered Hourigan to come to The Hague where she told him to kill the investigation and to burn his notes”, says Mr. Black.

“This makes her an accessory to mass murder and a war criminal.”

Barrister Black points fingers at the UN, the US, Canada and Belgium as the culprits in helping the RPF to carry out the alleged assassinations. She did this on the instructions of the US government in violation of her oath to be independent as prosecutor, argues Mr. Black.

The ill-equipped UN force in Rwanda during the Genocide was incidentally also headed by Canadian Gen Romeo Dallaire.

Ms. Arbour was the Chief Prosecutor of the ICTR and ICTY between 1996 and 2000. She moved back to the Supreme Court of Canada and in 2004 she became the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights.

As chief prosecutor, she indicted former Yugoslav and Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, among others, for war crimes and crimes against humanity for his part in atrocities committed in Kosovo. The indictment of Slobodan Milosevic was the first of a serving Head of State.

It is during the same period that several senior former officials of the Genocidal government in Rwanda were tracked and brought to book. Their cases have been ongoing at the Tanzania-based court.

Controversy started when it came to what have become the longest and grueling trails involving senior Ex-government soldiers such Major Ntabakuze, Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, Brigadier-General Gratien Kabiligi, and Colonel Anatole Nsengiyumva in case ‘Military I’.

Others that are co-accused in trail ‘Military II’ are General Augustin Bizimungu – former chief of staff of the Rwandan army, General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, the former commander of the recognition battalion, Major Fran.


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The “Rwanda Genocide” Cover-up
By Peter Erlinder
JURIST

Tuesday 19 February 2008

JURIST Guest Columnist Peter Erlinder of William Mitchell College of Law, lead defense counsel for former Major Aloys Ntabakuze in the Military 1 Trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and president of the UN-ICTR Defense Lawyers Association, says that recently issued French and Spanish international war crimes warrants and new evidence at the UN Rwanda Tribunal have exposed current Rwandan President Paul Kagame as the man primarily responsible for the 1994 “Rwanda Genocide” and the beneficiary of a decades-long US-sponsored “cover-up” of Pentagon complicity in the massacres committed by his regime …JURIST Editor’s Note: a response by Brian Atwood, a former USAID Administrator during the Clinton Administration, follows this piece.

As George Bush continues his much ballyhooed African safari, he has heaped praise on Rwandan President Kagame as a “model for Africa,” and mourned with Kagame the victims of the “Rwanda Genocide”. But recently issued French and Spanish international “war-crimes” warrants, and new evidence at the UN Rwanda Tribunal, have exposed Kagame as the war criminal who actually touched off the 1994 “Rwanda Genocide” by assassinating the previous President and who is benefiting from a decades-long U.S.-sponsored “cover-up” of Pentagon complicity in massacres committed by Kagame’s regime, which even Britain’s Economist has called “the most repressive in Africa.” (1)

Multiple “War Crimes” Warrants Issued for Rwanda’s Leaders

Just last week, a Spanish judge issued 40 international warrants for current and former members of Kagame’s government, including senior staff at Rwanda’s Washington Embassy. Judge Abreau’s warrants charge Kagame’s clique with war crimes and crimes against humanity that may even fit the definition of “genocide.” But these are not the only international arrest warrants issued for Rwanda’s current leaders.

French Judge Bruguiere (famous for indicting “The Jackal”) has also issued international warrants against nearly a dozen members of Kagame’s inner circle. Bruguiere also met with Kofi Annan in late 2006 to personally urge the U.N. Rwanda Tribunal to prosecute Kagame for the assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana, the war crime that re-ignited the four-year Rwanda War and the massive civilian killings in the war’s final 90-days.

Could it be that no-one in the Bush Administration was aware of these pending charges against their Rwandan hosts – or is it that they just don’t care?

In either case, the French and Spanish international arrest warrants have pierced the wall of U.S./UK/Rwandan propaganda about who bears primary responsibility for the massive tragedy that unfolded in Rwanda – but the “official story” has actually been unraveling for some time.

Chief UN Prosecutor Del Ponte in 2003: “Rwanda’s Leaders Guilty of War Crimes”

In the summer of 2003, Swiss Judge Carla Del Ponte, then Chief Prosecutor for both the Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals, publicly announced that she would soon begin the prosecution of members of Kagame’s government for the same kinds of crimes now charged in the French and Spanish warrants. But nearly five years later, not one case has been filed against one member of Kagame’s government, nor against Kagame himself, despite the direct request of Judge Bruguiere.

The Del Ponte-announced prosecutions did not go forward because she was replaced at the ICTR within 90 days of her announcement by Abubacar Jallow, a US/UK-approved Prosecutor who pledged not to prosecute any on Kagame’s side, no matter what the Del Ponte and the European judges’ findings! Prosecutor Del Ponte’s long-time press-aide, Florence Hartmann, published a book in Paris in September 2007 that explains exactly how and why Del Ponte was replaced.

According to the Hartmann book, that Del Ponte has not repudicated, Del Ponte was called to Washington just after her 2003 announcement and threatened with removal from office by Bush “war crimes ambassador” Pierre Prosper because of a long-standing political quid pro quo between Washington and the Kagame regime that is spelled out in detail in the book. (Ironically, Prosper was a former ICTR prosecutor under Del Ponte, and must have had access to the same information motivated her decision to prosecute the U.S. ally). When she refused to ignore her UN-mandate, to prosecute all crimes committed during the 1994 Rwanda War, she was sacked by the U.S. and U.K.(2)

ICTR Chief Investigator in 1997: “Rwanda’s Kagame Assassinated Previous President”

But this is not the first time that crimes of Kagame have been “covered-up” at the ICTR. According to sworn affidavits, placed in the ICTR record in early 2006, well respected ICTR Lead Investigative Prosecutor Michael Hourigan, an Australian QC, recommended that Kagame himself, be prosecuted for the assassination of Habyarimana in 1997! But then-Chief UN Prosecutor, Louise Arbour of Canada, ordered him to drop the Kagame investigation; to forget it ever happened; and, to burn his notes! Hourigan resigned rather than comply and copies of his original notes are now part of the ICTR public record for all to see. (3)

The “Rwanda Genocide” Cover-up on Clinton’s Watch

The Hourigan affidavit makes clear that the “Rwanda Genocide” cover-up has been going on for at least a decade, but the reasons for the cover-up did not become clear until late 2007, when a senior Clinton administration diplomat, Brian Atwood, was confronted with UN documents describing a 1994 “cover-up” meeting with the Rwandan Foreign Minister in Kigali and the UN’s Kofi Annan. According to the UN documents, U.S.-sponsored human rights reports by investigator Robert Gersony had documented massive military-style executions of civilians by Kagame’s troops, during and after the final 90 days of the four-year Rwanda War.(4)

The former Rwandan Foreign Minister at the meeting, Jean Marie Ndagiyimana, testified at the ICTR that, rather than participate in the proposed “cover-up,” he resigned and went into exile, where he remains today. His ICTR testimony confirmed that Clinton’s USAID Chief for Africa, Brian Atwood, and the chief of the UN Department of Peace Keeping Operations Kofi Annan, were both in his office in late October 1994 urging him to assist in the “cover-up” the war crimes committed by Kagame’s forces. (5)

The “Inconvenient Truth” Behind the Cover-up: Pentagon Complicity in the 1994 Rwanda War

The damning “Gersony Report” included first-hand evidence of tens of thousands of civilians being massacred by Kagame’s troops in eastern Rwanda, later confirmed by similar reports by Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. The U.N. document (also in the ICTR record) says that Annan told the Foreign Minister that public knowledge of the Report would be “embarrassing to the UN” and the former U.S. Clinton administration diplomat, Brian Atwood, not only confirmed he was at the meeting, but explained that he had engaged Gersony, and that Gersony’s findings of war-crimes being committed by Kagame were “… an inconvenient truth” for both the United States and the UN.

According to Atwood, unknown to the State Department, “the Pentagon had been supporting Kagame since before the 1990 invasion, when he was the head of Military Intelligence for the Museveni government of Uganda.” The “Gersony Report” tied the Pentagon to the crimes of Kagame’s invading, Pentagon-trained and funded forces. More UN documents in the ICTR record reveal that the State Department was negotiating for a peaceful settlement of the war at the same time the Pentagon was supporting Kagame’s invasion. The Clinton Administration sought to enlist Atwood and Kofi Annan in keeping evidence of Kagame’s crimes from ever seeing the light of day, to prevent Pentagon involvement in the “Rwandan Genocide” from ever coming to light.(6)

The existence of a separate Pentagon foreign policy on Rwanda also tallies with the ICTR testimony of former Ambassador Robert Flaten, who testified that he seriously doubted that Habyarimana’s supporters planned to kill civilians on a massive scale because the CIA and other intelligence agencies would have reported it when he was in Rwanda from 1990 to late 93.(7) He said that his requests for Pentagon-DIA spy satellite photographs showing the status of the war in the countryside were turned down because of “clouds over Rwanda,” during his entire 3-plus years in Rwanda. (8)

Former Amb. Flaten also noted the obvious: Uganda’s military assistance for the 1990 Kagame invasion coincided with increased Ugandan military funding by the U.S./U.K. Most importantly, Flaten also testified that he personally warned Kagame that “he (Kagame) would be responsible for massacres like just happened in Burundi, if Kagame broke the cease-fire and re-started that war”. Now the evidence in the ICTR record, shows Kagame did exactly that!

In short, the evidence that is now in the public record shows that during the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, the Pentagon could have stopped the carnage with a phone call, and the State Department apparently did not know enough about the Pentagon’s close ties to Kagame to ask them to do so, at least until USAID’s Atwood was informed of Pentagon panicked reaction to the “Gersony Report,” in the summer of 1994.

Other de-classified State Department documents show that it was the invading Kagame forces that were the aggressors, and were blocking the State Departments efforts to implement the Arusha Accords, peace agreement.(9) The UN’s General Dallaire has testified that Kagame would not agree to a ceasefire to use troops to stop the massacres because “he was winning the war.”(10) And, now we know what Dallaire may not have known, until later … Kagame was winning with the Pentagon’s help.

The Great “Rwanda Genocide” Cover-up Continues Under Bush

The “Rwanda Genocide” cover-up of Pentagon complicity in Kagame’s crimes is almost complete, with the U.S. cutting ICTR funding to shut it down by the end of 2008. Carla Del Ponte’s replacement, Abubacar Jallow, will be conveniently unable to carry out the prosecutions that Del Ponte urged in 2003, or those initiated by Judge Bruguiere in 2006, or Judge Abreau, just last week.

However, the international warrants are still in effect, and the Del Ponte book and Hourigan’s affidavit have begun to unravel the whole sordid manipulation, but unless the “Rwanda Genocide” cover-up makes it onto “page one” in Europe and North America, it may be too late for the ICTR detainees who are being held responsible for the crimes of the Kagame regime – a bit like the UN holding the Japanese responsible for Hiroshima and the Germans for the fire-bombing of Dresden.

With U.S. and U.K. support, Kagame’s government is actively campaigning to have all ICTR matters transferred to Rwanda and has issued 40,000 warrants for Kagame’s Hutu and Tutsi opponents in the worldwide Rwandan diaspora (a movement that includes such as figures Paul Rusesabagina, the real hero of Hotel Rwanda).

Correcting the Historical Record and Ending the Cover-up

But I have to disclose my own bias. Under the laws of Rwanda, I too am a criminal “negationist” for writing this essay, and President Kagame has personally denounced me as a “genocidaire” for my work as an ICTR defense lawyer. My former investigator is seeking asylum in Europe and the ICTR Prosecutor who replaced Carla Del Ponte is now prosecuting another defense investigator for asking too many questions in Rwanda while denouncing Judge Bruguiere’s request for the UN to prosecute Kagame and Spanish Judge Abreau as well.

An ICTR defense lawyer like me has to hope that despite all that is now known about the manipulations of the ICTR by the U.S. and U.K. for their own political purposes, the ICTR judges will not be influenced by the sacking of Del Ponte and that they will carefully evaluate the evidence in my client’s case. But it it is hard to be too optimistic.

At least my conscience is clear, now that the great “Rwanda Genocide” cover-up has been exposed. But I wonder if the judges, prosecutors, other UN-ICTR officials (who now know about the manipulation of their best efforts) will be able to say the same, if they allow the cover-up to continue?

During the week’s festivities in Rwanda, Presidents Bush and Kagame are sure to find much in common, as would Tony Blair, who has recently signed-on as an “unpaid” advisor to Kagame. All three stand accused of war crimes, and are mutually benefiting from the US/UK/Rwandan “cover-up” of their own complicity in the “Rwandan Genocide” tragedy that should put all three in the dock at the ICTR.

———

All of the documents and testimony referenced above are in the court record at the ICTR, except for the interview of Ambassador Brian Atwood, which occurred in December 2007 at his office at the University of Minnesota, Humphrey Institute, Mpls. MN.

Notes:

(1) The Economist, April, 2004

(2) Hartmann, Paix et chatiment: les guerres del la politique (2007 Flammarion, Paris)

(3) See Hourigan Affidavit and related documents in Miltary 1 record at the ICTR.

(4) See, UN documents in the Military 1 trial record at the ICTR.

(5) See ICTR Testimony of Ndagiyimana, November 2006, and related documents

(6) Interview with Dean Brian Atwood, Humphrey Institute, University of Minnesota, December 22, 2007.

(7) See Flaten ICTR testimony, June 2006.

(8) Interview with Robert Flaten in Arusha TZ, June 2006.

(9) See, April 1, 1994 Cable from U.S. Embassy in Kigali to Kampala Uganda in the ICTR Military 1 Trial Recor.

(10) See ICTR Testimony of Gen. Romeo Dallaire and associated documents, January 2006.

———

Peter Erlinder is a professor at William Mitchell College of Law. He is a past-President of the National Lawyers Guild.


Response by Brian Atwood, Former USAID Administrator

Dear Editor:

I am writing in response to an article in the February 19, 2008 edition of JURIST, titled “The Rwanda Genocide Cover-Up.” Your “guest columnist,” whom you identify as defense counsel for an individual accused before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), Peter Erlinder, obviously is leveling unsubstantiated charges as part of his defense effort. In the process, he has manufactured quotes from me and accused the entire Clinton Administration of covering-up the alleged misconduct of Rwanda’s sitting President.

Mr. Erlinder met with me on December 21, 2007. He wanted to share ideas on Rwanda. He never described the meeting as an “interview” and never revealed that he had testimony from a former Rwandan Foreign Minister to the effect that I and Kofi Annan had asked him to participate in a “cover-up” of Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s alleged involvement in genocide. This, of course, is a completely false charge made by a highly questionable source. It is unethical to repeat such a charge without even asking me or Kofi Annan whether it is true.

The fact is, I was never in a conversation about a cover-up with Kofi Annan and had never stepped foot in his office during his tenure as Under Secretary General for UN Peacekeeping. Nor did I, at any time, discuss a cover-up of charges involving Kagame with anyone in the Clinton Administration.

It is true that, on behalf of the Clinton Administration, I arranged to have Mr. Robert Gersony visit Rwanda on behalf of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees in about 1995. As a courtesy, I was briefed on the Gersony Report and I do recall that it reported on atrocities and human rights violations that Rwandans told Gersony had been carried out by Kagame’s troops. This was relevant to the UNHCR’s efforts to repatriate refugees. I did arrange to have Gersony brief the State Department and I was told later that the report was not well-received. However, if it was an “inconvenient truth,” (and I believe I did use that phrase with Erlinder) it probably was because the refugee repatriation effort would be disrupted and that it would create problems in working with Kagame. No one told me that; this was just an educated guess. More importantly, there was no effort by the U.S. Government to stop Gersony from delivering the report to UNHCR, which he did.

Erlinder came to my office in December 2007 for an informal discussion, not an interview. He told me that he had been frustrated that UNHCR would not release the Gersony Report for his use in the trial of his client. I called Gersony in Erlinder’s presence to ask him about this. He said that the report had been reviewed by UNHCR lawyers and it had been determined that it had no relevance to Erlinder’s client’s case. Gersony confirmed that he had received information second-hand that could be damaging to the Kagame government. However, he was sent to Rwanda to interview citizens much as an experienced reporter would, not as a lawyer trying to build a case that would stand up in a court of law.

Finally, despite Erlinder’s effort to put words in my mouth, I had no knowledge whatsoever of the U.S. Pentagon “supporting Kagame since before the 1990 invasion …” Erlinder himself told me he had information to this effect, but I never confirmed this because I had absolutely no knowledge of it. I also do not believe that the Gersony Report made this connection. It was far beyond the scope of what Gersony had been asked to do.

The charge that the Clinton Administration sought to enlist me and Kofi Annan in a cover-up of Kagame’s activities is absolutely false and seems to be based solely on the false testimony of the former Rwandan Foreign Minister. No one in the Clinton Administration, to my knowledge, was involved in a cover-up of any kind. It was, after all, the Clinton Administration that asked Gersony to investigate the situation on the ground and then report his findings to the U.N. No matter how “inconvenient” his findings, no one tried to stop him from reporting them to the U.N. Furthermore, I was never informed that the Pentagon had experienced a “panicked reaction” to Gersony’s report, as Erlinder writes. This is yet another fiction conveyed as fact by Erlinder.

Peter Erlinder is representing his clients who have been accused of committing genocide. He is not an objective observer of what transpired in Rwanda. I am frankly shocked at the gross misrepresentation of what transpired at our meeting in December of 2007 and I am surprised that you would print his article without first checking facts. I would hope that your publication would allow me to correct the record by printing this letter.

Sincerely,

J. Brian Atwood

February 22, 2008


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The US Sponsored “Rwanda Genocide” and Its Aftermath
By Keith Harmon Snow
Global Research

An investigation has uncovered an asylum system scandal where bogus Rwandan “refugees” infiltrate the U.S. and U.K. and work as undercover agents to hunt down critics of the Rwandan dictatorship and legitimate refugees and drag them back to Rwanda. This is yet the latest revelation on how the dictatorship in Rwanda manufactures and exports terrorism using an ideology of genocide and how the West supports terrorism by backing its Rwanda proxy. Meanwhile, business in Rwanda is booming and the criminal networks of the Kagame military machine continue to plunder the blood-drenched Congo.

In October 1990, the Ugandan army and the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) led by Major General Paul Kagame invaded Rwanda.(1) This action set in motion a course of history that determined the fate of millions of innocent people in Central Africa.

By July 1994, the RPF completed its coup d’etat and consolidated its power in Rwanda. The government of Paul Kagame has since then maintained political power and manipulated public sympathy by promoting a highly politicized ideology of genocide.(2)

After more than 14 years of systematic disinformation about Rwanda there exists a collective ignorance about what really happened in Rwanda and who is responsible. The so-called “Rwanda Genocide” is one of the most widely misunderstood events in contemporary history, and not because the evidence is lacking or because the truth is obscured by butchery.

According to the official story, extremist Hutus in the government and military committed an orchestrated and pre-planned genocide against the Tutsi minority from April 6 to about July 16, 1994. In this mythology, some 800,000 to 1.2 million Tutsi were butchered with hoes, axes, and machetes, over the now infamous “100 days of genocide.”

Anyone who challenges the official story is branded a ‘genocide negationist’ or ‘genocide revisionist’ by the Kagame regime, and they are castigated as ‘killers of remembrance.’(3)

“Within Rwanda, legislation prevents anyone from questioning the official historical record. Although the constitution already forbids denial of the 1994 killings, the Rwandan government has stepped up moves to combat ‘genocide ideology’. […] A new law is in the making, aimed at criminalizing all ideas that might provoke ethnic division. Under the law, children below the age of 12 will be sent to a rehabilitation centre for a year if found guilty.”(4)

The real story seems to be that the RPF were the killers to a far greater extent, the majority of the victims were Hutus, and the numbers of dead during those 100 days were far less. The final insult to truth comes in the upside-down assertion that the RPF “stopped the genocide by winning the war.” Also, the RPF typically killed everyone in its path: Major General Paul Kagame did not trust any Tutsis who stayed in Rwanda after pogroms that created the Tutsi exile community prior to the Habyarimana government (1973-1994) and Tutsis were also targeted by the RPF.

Even those experts on “genocide in Rwanda” who do not contest the official story will attest to the myriad complexities that surround accusations and counter accusations about victims and perpetrators in post-1994 Rwanda.(5) Under the new power structure there were strong motivations to accuse the stigmatized Hutus of crimes that were never committed.

On April 6, 1994, the governments of Rwanda and Burundi were decapitated when the plane carrying the two presidents and top military staff was shot down over Kigali, Rwanda’s capital. The well-planned assassinations of Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira sparked a massive escalation of warfare that is falsely portrayed as the result of meaningless tribal savagery.

On February 6, 2008, a Spanish court delivered international arrest warrants against forty of the top military officials in the Rwandan regime. President Paul Kagame was investigated but not indicted but only because heads of state have immunity. The arrest warrants charge the RPF officials with war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1990 and 2002.(6)

The Spanish indictments join the November 17, 2006 indictments issued by French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, who concluded that the RPF, under the direct orders of Paul Kagame, carried out the surface-to air-missile attacks on the airplane carrying the two presidents.(7)

Now, an investigation has uncovered a scandal where fake Rwandan asylum seekers infiltrate the United States (U.S.) and United Kingdom (U.K.) and work undercover to hunt down critics and survivors of the Rwandan dictatorship and bring them back to Rwanda. This scandal revolves around networks of informers and agents and it encapsulates all the machinations of the growing industry around “genocide in Rwanda”.

Prejudged by Western human rights organizations, journalists, and mass media, the Rwanda government’s critics and survivors forced to flee for their lives are falsely accused and publicly branded as genocide perpetrators. Shunned as humanity’s lowest criminals, arrested and imprisoned without trial for months or years, legitimate refugees are framed, extradited and neutralized by a government whose top officials have international arrest warrants against them.

Journalists, human rights defenders, businessmen, and ordinary citizens both inside and outside Rwanda are persecuted and neutralized if they deviate from the falsified “victim” and “survivor” ideology used as a political weapon by the military dictatorship of Paul Kagame and his vast network of propagandists, state agents, and foreign backers.

Innocent Rwandan asylum seekers live under perpetual fear of being hunted down, branded as genocide perpetrators, ostracized, and persecuted by the Kagame regime.(8) As examples to follow will show, host governments generally capitulate without investigation or resistance and support the Kagame regime’s requests for arrest and extradition.

Using international legal instruments and institutions, like the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR), Western governments—the U.S., Belgium, Canada and Britain in particular—actively assist the Kagame regime in hunting refugees and critics, because all four governments backed the Rwanda Patriotic Front’s guerrilla war, 1990-1994, and the years of terrorism that have followed, 1994-2008.

Refugess Framed by the BBC

Early one morning in the fall of 2006, a Rwandan national who gained U.K. citizenship after a six year asylum process was confronted on the street as he exited the offices of the London-based charity where he worked.

Waiting for Dr. Vincent Bajinya outside on Pott Street in the brisk early morning London air was Fergal Keane, a prominent British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) journalist known for his extensive reportage in Rwanda during the 1994 cataclysm; Keane has maintained a permanent focus on “the Rwanda genocide” since then and has won many awards for his Rwanda reportage.

Without any appointment or prior warning, Fergal Keane shoved a television camera in Dr. Bajinya’s face and began interrogating him about his alleged role as a “Mastermind” of the Rwandan Genocide.(9)

The “Mastermind” accusation has been leveled against refugees in Canada, Belgium and the U.S. as well.(10)

“An investigation by BBC News has revealed that a man—wanted for genocide in Rwanda—is living and working in Britain,” began Fergal Keane’s BBC report of November 6, 2006. “Vincent Bajinya has been working as a doctor and has served on a refugee task force for the government.” (11)

“He’s not a voluntary worker,” Keane continues in a short commentary with racist insinuations, as if former refugees who have been granted British citizenship do not deserve to earn an honest wage. “He’s actually paid to the job.”

To whip up the outrage of BBC news consumers, the final insult to truth and freedom—and to the honest, hard-working British consumer who looks to the BBC for impartial reporting—comes when Fergal Keane “exposes” the fact that “much of that money comes from the British taxpayer.” (12)

Following the BBC reports by Fergal Keane, Dr. Vincent Bajinya was arrested in December 2006 and has spent fifteen months in detention. Dr. Bajinya’s rights were doubly trampled upon by a government that had already granted him citizenship.

Dr. Vincent Bajinya is considered a “Category One Offender” by Rwandan prosecutors. However, the “Category One Offender” status seems to be reserved for the most educated and astute critics of the Kagame regime; in other words, the intellectuals.

“He is just an intellectual Hutu who managed to have a British citizenship and a good employment,” says Rosalie Brown, Vincent Bajinya’s wife of 19 years. “Every person who is not RPF or who does not share the same opinion with the RPF is the enemy. They did not have to do anything wrong. No way. He has the right to be RPF or not. This detention has been like torture for him, an innocent man. My children and I, we suffer a lot for no good reason. The U.K. government should not have arrested [my husband] before it completed an investigation, but it arrested him just because the Rwanda government said to.”(13)

The U.S. and U.K. are both signatory to the 1951 United Nations High Commission for Refugees Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.(14) Under this convention a refugee is assured the same rights to due process and legal protections as any citizen, and the host government has a legal obligation to protect refugee’s rights. Certainly, the 1951 Convention forbids anyone from hunting and persecuting any asylum seeker in collaboration with the government that the refugees are fleeing.

Within days of Fergal Keane’s first report, the entire Western media was abuzz with stories about Dr. Vincent Bajinya. The articles combined the story of Dr. Vincent Bajinya with the story of three other Rwandan refugees “hiding” in the U.K., and the media framed all four refugees as “Most Wanted” criminals and the “Masterminds” of the Rwanda genocide of 1994.

“Rwanda is seeking extradition of four suspected masterminds of the country’s 1994 genocide,” Reuters reported on November 7, 2006, “including a medical doctor, who are living and working in Britain, the Justice Minister told Reuters on Tuesday.”(15)

“All these fugitives are living a comfortable life in the United Kingdom but are surely key planners of the 1994 genocide,” Reuters quoted Tharcisse Karugarama, Rwanda’s Justice Minister. “The dilemma we have is that most of these fugitives have changed their identities, which makes it difficult for us to track them.”(16)

“For the fear of being tracked down and wrongly judged in Rwanda or Arusha [ICTR] one of the three mayors had changed his name and applied for asylum as a former teacher, the other one applied for asylum as a Burundian citizen,” says Patrick Mahoro, a Rwandan Hutu and former U.K. asylum seeker who now has citizenship and lives in Coventry, England.(17) “This was not because what they might have done but because of the fear of being arrested and accused of genocide as it has happened to many others. This was their explanation in the court hearing last year [2007].”(18)

“Dr. Bajinya has never hidden himself,” Mahoro continues. “He became a concern to Kigali when he became a member of a task force advising the U.K. government on re-qualification of refugee health professionals. Privately he is known to have strong views about the RPF, and by becoming a member of that particular task force it was thought he might get close to U.K. officials who do not know the truth about the RPF. He also comes from the same village as [former President Juvenal] Habyarimana.”(19)

According to Rosalie Brown, she and Dr. Vincent Bajinya began fleeing the violence in Rwanda on April 8, 1994. They fled their home in the Rugenge District of Kigali for Gisenyi, where they stayed with extended family until they were forced to flee in July 1994 for fear of persecution by the Kagame regime. Like so many others they flew from the cauldron into the fire: Zaire.(20) For two years they lived in the Mugunga refugee camp near Goma, Zaire, and they fled in August 1996, just before the Hutu refugee camps were attacked in contravention of international law.(21)

The RPF, the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) and the Alliance of Democratic Forces for Congo-Zaire (AFDL-CZ) invaded Zaire in September of 1996 and began massacring Hutu refugees by the tens of thousands. The invasion was backed by the Pentagon through bases in Uganda and Rwanda and U.S. administrators downplayed the killing of Hutu refugees.(22) The International Rescue Committee (IRC) reportedly set up at bases nearby and shelled the refugee camps.(23) The genocidal campaign against Hutus swung into high gear as the RPF and UPDF—backed by the Pentagon—chased hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees from Goma to Kinshasa—into Zaire’s forests and swamps where they hunted them down and killed them and destroyed the evidence.(24)

In August 1996, Dr. Vincent Bajinya and his wife Rosalie fled with their two children to Kenya where Dr. Bajinya was employed at the Jomo Kenyatta Hospital; Rosalie Brown went on to London with their two kids (1998) until Dr. Bajinya was able to join them (2000).

Meanwhile, unreported by Fergal Keane and the BBC, are the numerous “refugee” and “asylum” cases of Rwandan nationals who have infiltrated the U.K. and U.S. by working the very same asylum system and benefiting from hundreds of thousands of pounds (and dollars) of taxpayer subsidies.

Amongst the many asylum seekers who arrived in London and claimed to be fleeing the repression in Rwanda are Tony Kavutse, Ignatius Mugabo, Linda Bihire, Vivenie Mugunga and Moses Kaganda, all of whom used the asylum process to eventually gain citizenship in the U.K. Most of these are former RPF soldiers, RDF soldiers or military intelligence agents who today continue to work for the Kagame regime.

Tony Kavutse, Moses Kaganda and Vivenie Mugunga are all currently employed at the embassies of the government they claimed to be fleeing: Rwanda. Each used the asylum process to get free housing, medical assistance, psychological counseling, and higher education at elite colleges in England.

And there are other “asylum seekers” claiming persecution by the Rwanda Government whose insider roles as intelligence agents and secretive businessmen make a horrible joke out of the U.K. asylum system.

The Genocidaire Brand

In October of 2006, Dr. Vincent Bajinya was working for Praxis, a U.K. non-government organization (NGO) that assists refugees in transition, and for Refugee Nurses Task Force, a 24-member task-force set up by the U.K. government to link refugee nurses with U.K. employers.

“Fergal Keane was waiting for Dr. Bajinya in front of the entrance door of his work,” says Rosalie Brown. “He was just in the street very early in the morning without any contact or warning if I can say! Shock and surprise you know? My husband had never meet Fergal Keane before and now he [Keane] was accusing him of genocide in Rwanda!” (25)

It was not Fergal Keane’s first visit to the Praxis offices, however, and within a week of the auspicious early morning encounter the BBC aired a major story convicting Dr. Vincent Bajinya a priori of genocide and setting the stage for his public ostracism and imminent arrest by U.K. officials.

The BBC documentary reveals that Fergal Keane (or someone whose voice sounds identical) previously visited Dr. Bajinya’s offices at Praxis and covertly filmed him using a hidden camera. Keane begins the four-minute BBC docudrama “undercover” and he confides in viewers that the initial filming was done in “secret”—the admission of secrecy sensationalizes the report and frames the story so that it will appear that Dr. Vincent Bajinya is a “wanted” criminal on the run. The rising chorus of media reports soon declared that Dr. Bajinya changed his name to avoid being detected as a “genocidaire” hiding in London.(26)

“I was with [my husband] in the war,” says Rosalie Brown, “everywhere, all the time, he did not do anything. We fled like everyone else, suffered like every Rwandan, we lost many lovers, family members and friends. We went through the asylum process once we got to the U.K. and on our Rwandan names. This Fergal Keane story is all made up.” (27)

According to numerous sources, Dr. Vincent Bajinya was completely open about his refugee status during the entire process of gaining U.K. citizenship and changed his name after citizenship was granted and for practicality purposes relating to the dictates of work, and marriage, and living in the U.K.

“Why does the Rwanda government suddenly want my husband now in 2007 [sic] after 13 years of war in Rwanda?” says Rosalie Brown. “We all had different names and for our children’s future as they grow up in this country [U.K.] why can we not all have the same name Brown once the law in this country gives us the full rights to do so?” (28)

“Excuse me sir, do you work here?” the voice behind the hidden camera asks Dr. Vincent Bajinya as the short clip opens. Fergal Keane misrepresents the BBC from the start, a telling indication of the misrepresentations to come. He knows that Dr. Bajinya works at the Praxis clinic and he is not interested in the clinic. “Do you know…is the clinic open today? There’s a clinic here…a couple days a week?”(29)

Fergal Keane discredits his reportage further as the film unfolds because he frames the reportage in such a way that Dr. Vincent Bajinya is accused, tried, and convicted in a four minute documentary. But the BBC reports about Dr. Vincent Bajinya are full of inconsistencies and the various reports raise important questions that should be put to Fergal Keane and his producer, Andrew Head.

Using the low-quality images of Dr. Bajinya snatched in secret during the initial visit, Keane traveled to Rwanda to find witnesses who would testify that Dr. Vincent Bajinya was indeed a genocide perpetrator. In Dr. Bajinya’s home village, so we are told, Keane finds his witness.

“Far from London we’ve uncovered evidence tying Dr. Bajinya to horrific crimes,” Fergal Keane announces. The video begins its Rwanda segment showing dark skies over the land of a thousand hills, but quickly jumps to gruesome images of bodies lying along the road.(30) These are the images of gruesome death from 1994 that are recycled over and over in a pornography of African violence that is used to foster the ignorance that has infected the collective consciousness.

“And today in this neighborhood where Dr. Bajinya lived, survivors recall a fanatic who searched for Tutsis at roadblocks,” Fergal Keane continues. “They claim Tutsi civilians, even a three-month old baby, were amongst those killed by militia men he directed.”

Like the fake asylum seekers used by Fergal Keane as sources to frame Dr. Bajinya and pressure Praxis, whom we will soon meet, it seems that his chosen “genocide survivors” also have a lot in common with RPF intelligence agents.

Planted Spies and Agents

In the BBC documentary of November 6, 2006, titled “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” we are introduced to a Rwandan man Keane calls only “Dieudonne”—a “genocide survivor” whom we are told lives in Dr. Bajinya’s former community. The BBC video flashes the man’s name, but the tiny banner is blurry and unreadable.

“Dieudonne is one of several eyewitnesses who told us Bajinya instructed the militia to kill,” says Fergal Keane. “From our photographs Dieudonne identified Dr. Bajinya as the man he saw giving orders for murder.”

The “eyewitness” Dieudonne tells the story of Dr. Bajinya’s supposed crimes in the Kinyarwanda language, while Fergal Keane translates for English viewers. “Bajinya told them, ‘Look, this is not how you kill a man, you’re just playing with him. He might survive if you just leave him the way he is.’ So they killed him off. It is an image of Bajinya that stays in my mind.”

However, in the BBC press release of the following day, titled “British Charity Employs Doctor Accused of Crimes Against Humanity,” the article cites a man named Janvier Mabuye to say exactly the same thing that Fergal Keane claims the eyewitness Dieudonne is saying in the film.

“Janvier Mabuye says he heard Dr Bajinya ordering the killers to finish off a taxi driver who had already been attacked with machetes. Janvier says: ‘Bajinya told them look this is not how you kill a person, you’re just playing with him. He might survive if you just leave him the way he is. At that point he called a young man and another neighbor and they came and killed him off. That is one of the images that always lasts each time I remember the genocide. It’s one of the images of Bajinya that remains in my mind.’” (31)

The BBC has produced two reports where two different eyewitnesses have made exactly the same accusations, word-for-word, verbatim, against Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

More importantly, the eyewitness Janvier Mabuye, who the BBC uses for their print stories and longer video documentary about Dr. Vincent Bajinya, is identified by Rwandan refugees as an RPF intelligence agent who has worked in the Rwandan Embassies in Uganda, Nairobi and Brussels.

On March 29, 2002 Janvier Mabuye was nominated 2nd Secretary at the Rwandan Embassy in Kampala, Uganda; later in 2002 he worked as 1rst Secretary at the Rwandan Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya.(32) In October 2003, Janvier Mabuye was based in Brussels as 2nd Secretary and Cultural Attaché, a post he held until at least 2005.(33)

In December 2004, Mabuye issued a communiqué from the Rwanda Embassy in Brussels to the Rwandan community informing them how, with the support of the Rwandan Embassy in Brussels, they can acquire investment properties in Rwanda.(34)

Fergal Keane and the BBC have outdone themselves by producing exactly the same accusations by two independent witnesses and by producing a “genocide survivor” who is actually a Rwandan intelligence agent.(35)

“Janvier Mabuye is not from Dr. Bajinya’s neighborhood and he is not a genocide survivor,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “Like many other young Tutsis he left Rwanda after the October 1990 invasion to join the RPF in Uganda.”

From the BBC video we see that Dr. Bajinya is not an expert English speaker. Keane’s method of confrontation forces the entire life and history of another human being—who has lived a reality few of us can fathom—into Keane’s framework of assumptions and biases about what happened in Rwanda and who is responsible and it leaves no room for Dr. Vincent Bajinya or his unique identity to exist.

Who is the more credible witness to events in Rwanda? Dr. Vincent Bajinya, a Rwandan who grew up in Rwanda, a man who knew the place and the people, and who finally fled with his family in 1996 after years of terror? Or Fergal Keane, a white reporter from England who arrived in Rwanda for the first time in May 1994 and worked with the assistance of the Rwandan Patriotic Front and their intelligence and information warfare departments?

Keane closes his attack with a ten-second media sound bite about genocide that entirely destroys the context of Dr. Vincent Bajinya’s worldview and the history of trauma and devastation he has both witnessed and survived. Dr. Bajinya responds to the arrogance of Fergal Keane with terse summary statements in poor English, and does this standing up for his rights as a British citizen and a human being.

“The doctor says both sides were massacred in Rwanda and refuses to accept Tutsis were victims of genocide,” Keane states as he approaches Dr. Vincent Bajinya on Pott street.(36)

“You believe there was no genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda?” Keane asks Dr. Vincent Bajinya. In Keane’s tone and manner there is the self-righteous assumption of a higher moral purpose.(37)

“I believe that, yes,” says Dr. Vincent Bajinya.(38)

“Because the international community believes there was a genocide.” Keane is now speaking for the nebulous “international community,” obviously pleased with himself for having elicited the response that can be used to figuratively hang Dr. Vincent Bajinya as a genocide negationist.

“Yeah, it’s my belief,” Dr. Bajinya says. Not interested in Fergal Keane’s crusade. “The international community can believe other things. It is my right to believe in what I believe.”(39)

The Bogus Asylum of Tony Kavutse

According to legitimate Rwandan refugees in the U.K. the man primarily responsible for orchestrating the branding, arrest, detention and persecution of Dr. Vincent Bajinya is a fake Rwandan asylum seeker who claimed to have fled Rwanda under fear of persecution. The man who tracked down Dr. Vincent Bajinya today works at the Rwandan Embassy in London under the name Tony Kavutse. He was assisted by several other fake asylum seekers also working as Rwandan agents or agents-provocateurs in London.

Legitimate Rwandan refugees in London report that Tony Kavutse is a long-time RPF and RDF soldier and intelligence agent. Kavutse was reportedly born in Uganda. Rwandan refugees in London claim that the Rwandan Embassy staff is 100% Ugandan citizens. Some of them reportedly fought with President-for-Life Yoweri Museveni, an ethnic Hima (a tribe related to the Tutsis), and the National Resistance Army (NRA) during the Ugandan guerrilla wars in the 1980’s and later joined the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF). Many Ugandan citizens hold powerful positions in the Rwanda Government today because they joined the RPA/NRA war machine in its conquest of Rwanda. “The conquering RPF were mainly the English-speaking Ugandans.”(40)

Legitimate asylum seekers claim that Tony Kavutse continues to work as an RPF intelligence agent for the Rwanda government and that he tracks down any critics or legitimate victims of terrorism that have fled Rwanda.(41)

Documents obtained by this correspondent show that Tony Kavutse filed for formal protection status under U.K. law and obtained significant resources through the assistance of numerous U.K. charities and quasi-government or government agencies.

In a document dated July 13, 2002, the U.K. Home Office, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, refused asylum status for Tony Kavutse, but, “because of the particular circumstances of [his] case”, granted him informal asylum status in the category “Exceptional Leave to Remain.” (42) According to the Kavutse documents, officials were convinced Kavutse would be in danger if the U.K. returned him to Rwanda.

Kavutse gained assistance through the Medical Foundation in London, an NGO that works with asylum-seeking victims of torture. Medical Foundation trustees include John Le Carre, the accomplished novelist who has taken a serious interest in the events in central Africa.(43)

The Medical Foundation peddles the standard story about genocide in Rwanda, but also appears to address, at least to some extent, the terrorism of the post-1994 Kagame regime.

Documents dated July 29, 2002, confirm that Kavutse was a “priority need” client of the Medical Foundation “receiving ongoing treatment” for his claims of torture. Kavutse arrived in January 2002 and medical treatment began then. Documents also establish that Kavutse received financial and insurance benefits from the state.(44)

The Medical Foundation’s Dr. Hamra Yucel apparently assessed Kavutse’s status based on his testimony. “Mr. Kavutse has been subjected to torture,” she opined, “including severe beatings, and, most importantly, witnessed his father being shot in December 2001.”(45)

According to Rwandan sources in London who know of the particulars of the case, Tony Kavutse’s claims of being tortured by the current government are fabricated (there was no apparent physical evidence of torture). While Dr. Hamra Yucel’s clinical assessments fit the classic psychological profile of a torture survivor, Rwandan sources claim that RPF-allied asylum seekers are coached on how expertly to work the system and gain asylum status by feigning all the proper symptoms of torture.

When asked how it is possible that an asylum seeker claiming to have been tortured by the Rwandan Government could then end up in their diplomatic corps, Michelle Alexander from the Medical Foundation responded that, “the Medical Foundation is not at liberty to disclose details of any individual’s case and cannot confirm whether the person you refer to is a client of the Medical Foundation.” (47)

Tony Kavutse received lodging assistance through the support of the community council of the London Borough of Waltham Forrest.(47) In August 2004, Kavutse received full state educational support and attended the University of London’s elite Birbeck School of Management and Organizational Psychology.(48) All of Kavutse’s accommodations and tuition for approximately five years were paid for in full by a combination of these non-governmental supporting agencies and the U.K. Government.

Today Tony Kavutse lives in London and is working as a secretary on the diplomatic staff at the Rwandan Embassy.(49) Kavutse did not respond to questions.

Tony Kavutse is also a relative of another top RPF cadre: his mother is the sister of Dr. Zac Nsenga, an RPF agent who became the Rwandan Ambassador to the United States.

Zac Nsenga’s wife has been living in the U.K., where she reportedly gained refugee status under false asylum claims under an alias.(50) Rwandan refugees in London claim that she travels regularly to Rwanda and Uganda. However, in late March or early April 2008, Madamu Nsenga traveled to Rwanda for a visit and Zac Nsenga reportedly took her refugee asylum documents from her due to a quarrel. Now Madamu Nsenga is caught in the limbo of not being able to return to the U.K., lacking her U.K.-Rwanda asylum papers, and she is trying to go to Uganda to solve the problem, since she is officially not allowed to go to Rwanda—the country she was seeking refuge from.(51)

“Dr. Zac Nsenga was the Rwandan ambassador in Washington,” says Professor Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, former director of the Rwandan Information Office (ORINFOR). “Before the victory of the RPF, he was in charge of hygiene at a camp set up by the RPF in Gabiro, Rwanda, where the corpses of Hutus killed by the RPF were burnt. Nsenga was in charge of that camp. In other words, he oversaw the suppression of evidence regarding the massacres committed by the RPF. In RPF circles the camp is known as the CDR camp. The CDR was the Coalition for the Defense of the Republic, a political party regarded by the RPF and its supporters as the party of Hutu extremists. So RPF soldiers referred to the camp as CDR camp because all the Hutus who were taken to that camp for execution or the bodies of the Hutus taken to that camp for burning were globally considered as Hutu extremists who espoused the CDR worldview. ”(52)

“The three primitive one-story barrack blocks, one with its roof being repaired, are basic shelters for the [RPF] men at the Gabiro army camp,” wrote British journalist Nick Gordon. “It all looks devastatingly innocent: a complex that may be an affront to the classic rolling African skyline, but no more than that. There are no tell-tale chimneys, no railway lines leading into the restricted area. Indeed, as I munch my bread and wait for the photographer to snatch his picture, it is hard to believe that this dot on the map is an extermination camp. What goes on inside Gabiro [camp] is truly revolting, and it is not an isolated example. All over the country since the new government took control, Hutus have been killed in the thousands.”(53)

A Tutsi born in Rwanda, Dr. Zac Nsenga earned a medical degree at Makerere University Medical School in Uganda and a degree in human medicine at the University of Westminster, with an MA in diplomatic studies and a certificate in strategic studies. He practiced medicine both in Uganda and Lesotho before becoming a Major in the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) in December 1990. Later he served as Secretary General in the Ministry of Internal Security (overseeing National Police and Prison Services). Nsenga was also Ambassador to Israel (1995-1996) and the U.K. (1998-2001). As the Rwandan Ambassador in the U.S., Zac Nsenga worked with Paul Kagame and former U.S. President Bill Clinton to oversee and delineate the Clinton Foundation’s AIDS activities in Rwanda.(54)

Rwandan refugees in the U.S. claim that Major Zac Nsenga has played an active role in hunting down critics and legitimate refugees and having them arrested as fugitives from justice and, of course, branded as genocidaires.

“It is easy to come to the United States and hide,” said Zac Nsenga, the Rwandan ambassador to the United States, quoted in a Chicago Tribune article about a Rwandan named Jean-Marie Vianney Mudahinyuka (arrested in Chicago) and other supposed genocidaires hiding in the U.S. “Americans don’t know that amidst them are people who did very bad things.”(55)

Nsenga—and the Rwandan Embassy in the U.S.—collaborates with the specially formed Human Rights Violators and Public Safety Unit (HRVPSU) of the office of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, ICE, formed in 2003, to track down foreigners, take them to court, jail and then deport them for even the slightest infractions of immigration laws.(56)

Nsenga’s role in the U.S. is to spread the official genocide story, hunt down Rwandan critics, sell the establishment narrative on HIV/AIDS involving big pharmaceutical companies, further the business interests of Rwanda, and suppress any political dissent about the Kagame regime.(57)

Nsenga is known to be very close to former Ambassador Andrew Young, the Kagame regime’s number one public relations agent whose PR consulting firm Goodworks International whitewashes the regime and its major corporate allies and partners.(58) GWI is also tight with the Africa-America Institute, a CIA backed think tank involved in information warfare and subversive activities all over Africa.(59) Andrew Young has built a mansion on Rwanda’s Lake Muhazi.(60)

Zac Nsenga “is a strong endorser of the Genocide Intervention Network (GIN).”(61) The Genocide Intervention Network is at the forefront of promoting the official line on genocide in Rwanda as a pivotal tool in the new hegemonic human rights discourse.(62) Other GIN endorsers include some of the highest profile official Rwandan genocide storytellers: General Romeo Dallaire, Samantha Power and Gerald Kaplan.

“[Nsenga] was in Ruhengeri killing people also,” says Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana. “As a promotion, he was given the post of Ambassador to Washington D.C.”(63)

Pressuring the UK Asylum System

The BBC’s November 7, 2006, report about Dr. Vincent Bajinya appears to target the charity Praxis for having supported Dr. Bajinya using U.K. taxpayers’ money. By targeting Praxis the BBC set the stage for greater restrictions and controls surrounding the asylum process in England, a process that has since come under strict reform on asylum issues.

The articles about Bajinya and other refugees appeared in the fall of 2006 and by January 2007 the U.K. had issued new formal guidelines about refugees and formal policy had been drastically reformed to meet new U.K. immigration standards. Interestingly, the British asylum and immigration system relies heavily on private security companies noted for rather specious “security” missions.(64)

The BBC article quoted Reverend Vaughan Jones, the director of Praxis, but the comment by Vaughan Jones suggests that Praxis was the victim of circumstances, not Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

“The director of Praxis, Reverend Vaughan Jones, said if the allegations were true it would represent a betrayal of his organization’s trust,” reported Fergal Keane.(65)

“I had no suspicions and when I saw the allegations I was very shocked,” Reverend Vaughan Jones stated in a subsequent BBC report of November 7, 2006. “If they are true then I would feel betrayed, because we work with people who have come from difficult situations and need proper support. We are aware that there are all kinds of allegations and counter allegations in the community and sorting out the victim from the perpetrator is extremely hard.” (66)

When contacted by email at Praxis, Reverend Vaughan Jones replied that “Dr Bajinya was immediately suspended as a result of the allegations. He is no longer our employee.”(67)

In a follow-up query, Reverend Vaughan Jones replied: “Praxis has never attempted to form a judgment in relation to guilt or innocence that is the responsibility of others and beyond our competency. We are very aware of the complexity of the issues. As an organization which works with vulnerable people we have a duty of care primarily to them and it would not have been responsible to allow someone to work in the organization with such serious allegations having been made. We have always said that this matter should be resolved through the due process of law.”(68)

However, Praxis fired Dr. Vincent Bajinya based on the campaign spawned by the BBC reports of Fergal Keane. It was enough for Reverend Vaughan Jones that Fergal Keane and the BBC said that Dr. Vincent Bajinya was “accused” of genocide for them to immediately go on the defensive to protect their own good name. This is how the genocide label is used as a brand and a weapon against anyone who deviates from the Rwandan government’s policies or falls out of favor with the elite criminal networks in power.

“How does Praxis protect vulnerable people?” notes U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro, who also benefited from the assistance of Praxis. “And how is it possible that Tony Kavutse, an asylum seeker and “refugee” who claimed to have been tortured by the current government of Rwanda could end up working for the government he was seeking asylum from?”

Mahoro notes that Praxis has been utilizing the volunteer services of another false asylum seeker who is also working at the Rwandan Embassy. This individual is flagged by the Rwandan asylum community as another informant and RPF agent.

“As soon as these reports came out by the BBC, true Rwandan asylum seekers stay away from Praxis for fear that they will be identified and accused of genocide,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “There is a woman Rose Ngabire, a Tutsi who was working at Praxis in Dr. Bajinya’s department, who we know is a Rwanda government informant.”

Rose Ngabire was a volunteer on work placement at Praxis at the same time as Dr. Vincent Bajinya. Ngabire left Praxis and is now the full-time receptionist at the Rwandan Embassy in London.

Ngabire is another Ugandan-Rwandan dual citizen who is accused by legitimate Rwandan refugees of acting as a spy to identify and help separate the legitimate refugees from the fake refugee-agents and insure that the legitimate refugees are sent back to Rwanda and the fake refugees are processed through the asylum system for the benefit of the regime in Kigali.

Fergal Keane’s BBC reports do not identify the RPF agent Rose Ngabire and Keane’s reportage is further discredited with the awareness that one of the “expert” voices chosen by Fergal Keane to buttress the fabricated story about Dr. Bajinya is another fake RPF asylum seeker named Vivenie Niragira Mugunga.

Vivenie Mugunga arrived in the U.K. as an asylum seeker over six years ago and has already gained U.K. citizenship. Mugunga claimed to be a survivor of the Rwanda genocide and gained refugee status by fleeing from the Kagame regime. However, both of her claims are reportedly false. Mugunga was reportedly not in Rwanda during or after 1994. Instead, she came from Burundi, where she was born and raised. After she earned higher education degrees at universities in South England, Mugunga became an agent of the Kagame regime and she promotes Rwanda investments and organizes government-affiliated events.

Fergal Keane has also used Vivenie Mugunga to pull on the heart strings of his BBC viewers and gain sympathy—channeled into outrage to help convict and hang Dr. Vincent Bajinya in the court of public opinion. In one long film clip about the Dr. Vincent Bajinya story, Fergal Keane has Vivenie Mugunga, who is portrayed as a Rwandan genocide survivor, crying that the organization Praxis has extremists on their staff—meaning Dr. Bajinya—and they discriminated against her when she sought services there. Turning truth upside-down as usual, Keane and Mugunga say nothing about the other bogus refugee agents—like the Tutsi agent Rose Ngabire—working at Praxis.

An honest investigation of Dr. Vincent Bajinya’s case would examine Fergal Keane’s role in traveling to Rwanda and producing genocide charges by using the BBC as a political weapon in an obvious collaboration with the selective political agenda of the Kagame government.

According to one U.K. intelligence insider, U.K. news corporations routinely run disinformation planted by U.K. intelligence assets from MI-6. “For example, the Guardian and very occasionally the London Sunday-Times have been seen to have reporters who are assets of the U.K. intelligence services. Incidentally this may also apply to Andrew Gilligan of the BBC…”(69)

It may also apply to the BBC’s Fergal Keane.

Keane traveled to Rwanda where “evidence” of the crimes of Bajinya was scraped up and delivered to the news consuming Western public in manipulative and highly structured BBC productions.

“This Bajinya [frame-up] was 100% set-up by Kigali and Fergal Keane,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “The spies at the Rwanda Embassy in London informed Keane that they want Dr. Vincent and they arranged for Keane to go to Rwanda to interview ‘witnesses’ and come back here to accuse Dr. Bajinya, who all this time did not know anything was happening.” (70)

“Using BBC South East [England] where Vivenie Mugunga was living,” says Patrick Mahoro, “Fergal Keane convinced his producer Andrew Head to fund his investigation into the allegations and accusations by a south east England resident—the fake asylum seeker Vivenie Mugunga—about an U.K. organization—Praxis—harboring genocidaires and extremists—Dr. Vincent Bajinya.”(71)

“After that Fergal Keane went to Praxis with the hidden camera. Then he traveled to Rwanda funded by the BBC. Of course he had contact with Kigali because he was set up by the Rwandan Embassy here and he met with officials in Kigali. In his ‘investigation’ in Rwanda he shows that he found out that Dr. Bajinya has been issued an arrest warrant. Keane speaks to the prosecutor in Kigali who shows him the file submitted by Kigali to the U.K. And then Keane gets an RPF agent—Janvier Mabuye—to be his eyewitness and claim on the video that Dr. Bajinya committed genocide. And then finally he goes back to London and accuses Dr. Bajinya.” (72)

At the end of the day, the BBC makes money by producing a sensationalist TV show where Fergal Keane is supposed to represent everything that is good and Dr. Vincent Bajinya everything that is evil. So it’s the good versus evil story distilled out of the Hutus versus Tutsis mythology about Rwanda.

Curiously indicative of some insider trading and deeper political agenda is the fact that reforms in the asylum process in the U.K. occurred soon after the arrest of Dr. Vincent Bajinya and the other three “Masterminds” of genocide. According to U.K. Home Office documents outlining asylum seeker protocol, prior to granting asylum of Rwandan refugees, U.K. officials are now required to refer to special “lists” provided by the Kagame regime.

On the one hand the documents obtained in the Tony Kavutse case clearly validate the claims of legitimate refugees by formally documenting what the U.K., U.S., and most Western governments deny: That torture and killings do occur in Rwanda and that they are committed by agents of the current government.

On the other hand the documents also clearly establish that RPF-allied false asylum seekers may be claiming to have been tortured in Rwanda to manipulate the system and gain the advantages now being taken away from legitimate asylum seekers.

The U.K. and U.S. governments claim Rwanda is “safe”. Under this classification the U.K. Government has advanced certain refugee and asylum protocols which simultaneously institutionalize infiltration by RPF agents, on one hand, and the persecution of legitimate refugees on the other. The asylum situation in the United States is much the same.

According to the British Home Office of Immigration and Nationality Department statistics, the numbers of Rwandan asylum seekers arriving in Britain have skyrocketed under the Kagame regime, especially since 1999. From 1994 to 1997, Britain received approximately 100 asylum seekers annually. But the numbers increased with increasing repression in Rwanda. In 1999 there were approximately 300; in 1999 and 2000 there were some 800; with 550, 700 and 275 in 2001, 2002 and 2003.(73)

Harsh conditions in detention centers and human rights violations against asylum seekers in the U.K. mirror those in the United States. Anne Owers, Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Prisons for England and Wales, has released a series of damning reports on the UK’s detention estate.(74)

In Britain and the U.S. tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children are jailed for long periods without charges in contravention of the 1951 UNHCR Refugee Convention.(75) While none of these people is detained for committing a criminal offense, they are held in prison-like conditions to facilitate government policies of rounding up asylum-seekers in order to deter them from seeking refuge in Britain or the U.S.

There is literally a war on refugees.

In one assessment, the Medical Foundation in 2004 determined that aggressive force effectively constituting torture had been used against individuals during attempts to remove them from the U.K.(76) There have been many cases of suicides and mass hunger strikes by asylum seekers in the U.K.(77)

The Kagame regime is meanwhile ushering bogus “asylum” seekers off to London armed with all the false documentation necessary to gain a positive asylum status and, eventually, citizenship. The regime’s goal is to infiltrate Western countries with more and more Rwandans who have benefited from the current political climate and who do not challenge the inverted victim versus killer ideology or the criminal enterprises and networks of the elites involved.

Rwanda’s Genocide Lisas

According to legitimate Rwandan refugees in London, the Rwandan refugee community is perpetually under surveillance and effectively under attack by fake asylum seekers working as agents; these agents send the names of legitimate refugees to the ever-updated “genocide lists” that Kigali provides to the U.K. Home Office and other governments, and they meanwhile help to build bogus “legal” cases against the legitimate refugees, as happened with Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

The U.K. government regularly arrests asylum seekers (of all nationalities) and holds them in detention pending review of their cases for a “pass” or “fail” of the asylum granting process, but most are almost automatically slated for return to their country of origin. British policies are particularly egregious in the cases of countries where Britain is more actively involved in the ongoing warfare, especially Iraq, Afghanistan and Sudan (Darfur), or where it has a deep military and intelligence relationship, especially Congo, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Pakistan and Zimbabwe.

While their cases await resolution, asylum claimants are banned from working. Once their cases have been failed, they face total destitution, with no right to work, no benefits, no accommodation, no proper access to health services, and the constant fear of removal. This is on top of the psychological trauma, and in some cases physical injury, that continues to trouble them as a result of their experiences.

In the case of Rwanda, selected asylum seekers are further stigmatized and dehumanized by being branded as genocidaires—a label applied to describe Hutu “extremists” and highly targeted individuals in well-organized frame-ups—in cases like Dr. Vincent Bajinya’s, where the frame-up involved Rwandan intelligence agents and the BBC.

According to Rwandan asylum seekers the Kigali government routinely manipulates the asylum system to get students and intelligence agents into the U.K. asylum system to gain U.K. citizenship at no financial cost for the short- and long-term benefit of the Kigali regime.

In 2007, around 200 Rwandan students arrived in the U.K. as asylum seekers and around 150 of these became stateless after falsely claiming to be Rwandan asylum seekers; about 50 of these were official Rwandan students possessing documents provided by the Rwanda government who had been given educational scholarships from the U.K. government.

After Kigali sends false asylum claimants to the U.K., their asylum claim is either passed or failed like any other refugee. Once the asylum claim has been successful and refugee status granted, these false claimants can access student loans and housing and medical support. To improve the chances of a “passed” asylum claim Kigali sets up fake asylum seekers with fake documents to strengthen their cases: e.g., arrest warrants, prison release documents, and medical reports about being tortured.

Next, Rwandan agents in the U.K.—like Mary Blewitt Kayitesi and Tony Kavutse—assist the false asylum seekers to access U.K. refugee assistance agencies like the Medical Foundation, Praxis, or Survivor’s Fund (SURF). Some enhance their status by claiming to be genocide survivors.

Some asylum claimants “pass” relatively easily, but for those asylum seekers who are “failed” by the U.K. government—which is eager to reject all refugees to meet its goals of low immigration—the Rwandan Embassy is contacted to determine the status of the asylum seeker and the Embassy denies that these clandestine government supported “refugees” are from Rwanda at all. In some cases the U.K. deports the false claimants back to Kigali, even forcibly, where the Rwandan immigration officials again—checking their lists of supported but fake asylum seekers—refuses that the asylum seekers originated from Rwanda. In both cases the fake asylum seekers, disowned by Rwanda, gain a stateless refugee status which under the 1951 UNHCR protections insures that the U.K. cannot deport them (since they are unable to identify their state or origin).

When the U.K. government detains legitimate refugees—obviously not supported by Kigali but rather hunted by them—the Rwandan Embassy is again contacted while they are still in London, or the refugee is deported directly back to Kigali. In either of these cases involving actual refugees, the Kagame regime validates to the U.K. government that these are legitimate refugees, because Kigali is happy to have critics of the regime and other legitimate refugees fleeing state persecution delivered back into their hands.

One legitimate refugee “failed” by the U.K. immigration system and forcibly returned to Rwanda was Rene Murabukira, a Rwandan refugee who fled after his family was killed in 1996.(78)

Rene Murabukira started a new life in Edinburgh and after 11 years in the U.K. he was a charity worker with the Edinburgh-based Action Group helping physically and mentally disabled adults when the U.K. immigration agents tracked him down and arrested him at work.

When Murabukira arrived in the U.K. in 1996, he was only 17 years old. He was given temporary leave to remain in the U.K. as well as a work permit, and told his case for permanent asylum was under consideration. He built a life in Edinburgh and was engaged to be married to Aneta Jarzmik, a U.K. citizen.

Murabukira’s case was deferred for eleven years, until Rwanda was declared “safe.” But in April 2007, U.K. immigration officials swooped in packed Murabukira off to a detention centre. He was scheduled for extradition in May 2007—readied to be shipped back to Rwanda—but legal intervention won him a temporary stay in the U.K. on the day of the planned flight.

Murabukira claimed that Tutsi rebels killed his parents, sister and cousins, at his home in 1996. He has been unable to work or claim benefits and has relied on friends to survive the past year of asylum limbo.(79)

Rwandans in London believe there have been about 65 cases of legitimate asylum seekers deported back to Rwanda since 2000.(80)

Of course there are also those fake refugees who betray Kigali once they have achieved their mission and gained asylum status abroad. It is well known that

“There are certainly some Tutsis who are genuine refugees,” says Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro. “But there is also a deliberate policy on the part of the RPF regime to export [exfiltrate] Tutsis to the U.S., Canada, Belgium and other countries and a deliberate policy to forcibly return Hutus to Rwanda who fled to countries other than the Democratic Republic of Congo. They are worried that Hutu asylum seekers outnumber Tutsis in Belgium and other countries, and that, if nothing is done, in the long run Hutus will be able to have their voice heard.”

Thousands of Hutus refugees remain in countries that border Rwanda and thousands of refugees have recently been forcibly repatriated back to Rwanda by the governments of both Uganda and Tanzania. In October 2007, for example, Uganda deported some 3000 Rwandans, most of them Hutus.(81)

“The whole idea is to build a strong Tutsi Diaspora that would support the Tutsi clique in power in Rwanda the same way the Jews support Israel,” says Higiro. “With a strong Tutsi Diaspora, Tutsi elites in power can use the tools of negationism, revisionism and the genocide industry to silence Hutus in Rwanda and in the countries where they have sought asylum.”(82)

UK Asylums Directed by Kigali

For its part the British Government has adopted a refugee asylum policy that looks to the Kagame regime—the persecuting government—for its decisions about Rwandan asylum cases and refugee returns.

The U.K. asylum system came under “reform” during the Blair government, but not in favor of refugees or asylum seeker’s rights. This is made clear in the case of Rwandan asylum seekers where the immigration and detention shake-up seems to have involved a stripping away of refugees’ legal protections.

By the end of Prime Minister Tony Blair’s term in office, the asylum reform process was in full swing and a special “Ten-Point Plan for Border Protection and Immigration Reform” was launched. Under this plan, the Prime Minister committed the U.K. Government to accelerate and massively increase the removal of both imprisoned and not yet detained foreign asylum seekers. According to the Home Office, it is the biggest shake-up of the immigration system in its history.(83)

On January 24, 2007—not so long after the British public was sensitized to the infiltration of Dr. Bajinya and the other three supposed “Masterminds” of genocide in Rwanda—the U.K. Home Office issued a special “Operational Guidance Note” on Rwanda that establishes and revises the formal policy for dealing with Rwandan asylum seekers. The guidance notes that all asylum seekers must be considered on a case by case basis, but all case workers must follow the outlines of this operational guidance document.(84)

The document, meant to educate case workers, opens with a “country assessment” that presents a highly inaccurate version of events in Rwanda. The assessment is heavily based on BBC sources, especially the BBC “Timeline” on Rwanda, and it has a decidedly pro-RPF bias. Some select examples of the bias can be seen in the following excerpts:

[1] CLAIM: “Rwanda is a republic dominated by a strong presidency.”(85)

REALITY: Rwanda is a one-party dictatorship with a façade of democracy and the consolidation of the dictatorship achieved through highly rigged and manipulated “demonstration elections” that are widely misperceived to have been democratic and fair.(86)

[2] CLAIM: “In 1985 Tutsi exiles in Uganda formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). Having failed to negotiate their return to the country, the RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda in October 1990, demanding representation and equality for all Rwandans.(87)

REALITY: Most of the so-called “Tutsi exiles in Uganda” were Ugandan born citizens and they became battle-hardened guerrillas fighting for Yoweri Museveni and the NRA—a war that Museveni ran out of the Hotel Des Diplomats in Kigali in the mid-1980’s.(88) Paul Kagame was Museveni’s Director of Military Intelligence and he was responsible for tortures, massacres and assassinations.(89) Museveni had ignored calls by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to downsize his army of approximately 180,000 fighters to 70,000. By mid-April 1994, Museveni had sent some scores of thousands of UPDF soldiers into Rwanda—possibly as many as 70,000.(90)

To say that these soldiers and the RPF’s political representatives demanded “representation and equality for all Rwandans” is so patently false that it defies any rational attempt to deconstruct it. Working together, Museveni and Kagame utilized terrorist tactics to assign all blame—for atrocities they committed against both their enemies and their own people—on their enemies. They used psychological operations, embedded international reporters, and fabrication of massacres. These tactics have continued to the present.

“Let me give you an example of media manipulation,” says Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, Director of ORINFOR. “In 1994 people took shelter at a mosque in Kabuga near Kigali. After the RPF took control of the location, they killed all the people who had taken shelter there, then called reporters to see what the Interahamwe had done to Tutsis.” (91)

[3] CLAIM: “A civil war in the border area ensued. Each incursion by the RPF was followed by reprisal massacres, largely of Tutsis, by government forces. A peace agreement was brokered in 1993, the Arusha Peace Accords, which inter alia provided for a power-sharing arrangement involving all political forces and the RPF.” (92)

REALITY: The RPF’s persecution and killings of Hutus and Tutsis in Northern Rwanda went largely unchallenged. Meanwhile the international “human rights” community hammered away at the Habyarimana government following a now common pattern of punishing the victims and accusing them of crimes committed in self defense, but never accusing the perpetrators of the original, and greater, injustices.(93)

It is interesting that a guerrilla army can invade a sovereign country and attack a sovereign government and commit terrorist acts, driving over a million people before it, and that it could today be summarized as it is above. (94) This exemplifies the hegemonic imperialist bias of the Western human rights establishment and the mantle of genocide carried by the Genocide Intervention Network and its octopus of affiliates.

The rest of the country assessment follows in similar fashion, uttering ridiculous lies that are now so deeply inculcated in the collective insanity of human consciousness as to make them as absolute and unchallengeable as the Ten Commandments. The summary glosses over the human rights record in Rwanda, validates the legitimacy of the institutionalized injustice at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, and shamelessly absolves the Kagame regime of its terrorist involvement in extortion, racketeering, war crimes and genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Perhaps the most ludicrous statement in the entire document is this one: “The Rwandan government is strongly committed to national reconciliation and there is no evidence of any state-sponsored or societal discrimination on ethnic grounds that would amount to persecution.”

The source documents which the Operational Guidance on Rwanda relies upon include references to: USAID; U.S. Department of State; Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch; U.N. and U.K. profiles; and the Economist. Most notably, there are four references to British Broadcasting Corporation reports or documents. Given their relationships to the production and maintenance of the establishment narrative, all of these sources are highly compromised in their capacity to present the true picture of Rwanda or insure refugee protections.

For the purposes of rounding up refugees and dragging them back to Rwanda, the Operational Guidance on Rwanda requires that asylum caseworkers begin the process by checking the names of asylum seekers against several lists maintained by the Kagame government.(95)

Section 3.5 of the Operational Guidance on Rwanda establishes the hierarchy of protocols for dealing with Rwandan asylum seekers. If “the applicant’s name appears on either of the two published lists maintained by the Rwandan government of those wanted for genocide or where there is any evidence that the applicant was, for example, politically active, employed in any official, religious, media or military capacity at the time of the genocide,” decision-makers are instructed to consider whether to apply one of several special exclusion clauses and must refer such cases to the War Crimes Unit.(96)

According to the U.K. Home Office, “the War Crimes Unit was formed in March 2004 with the specific remit of introducing screening processes in order to identify people involved in the commission of atrocities in connection with modern day conflict situations.”(95)

In February 2007, the Israeli Government successfully pressured the U.K. Home Office to water down anti-torture and war crimes legislation.(98) The injustices in cases of Rwandan war criminals are amongst the most pronounced.

Former Prime Minister Tony Blair is today the public relations consultant and economic adviser for the Kagame regime, a position Blair assumed in February, 2008. John Major was prime minister and the Conservative (Tory) Party was in power at the time of the U.S./U.K. backed coup d’etat in Rwanda 1994.

Miling the Asylum Process

The Rwandan asylum scam allows the Kagame regime to facilitate higher political and economic status for more and more Rwandans by gaining green cards or citizenship abroad.

Moses Kenneth Bugingo Rugema arrived in the U.K. around 2003 on a false asylum claim against Rwanda. Although U.K. citizenship can be granted after five years his citizenship is uncertain.

When asked about his former refugee status and current political appointment with the government he sought asylum from, Rugema responded evasively and aggressively. “I have no time to waste in replying to you in the future,” Rugema replied. “But as a gentleman I just wanted to tell you I exist and your facts are not correct. It’s up to you to prove it.”(99)

Rugema is another Ugandan-Rwandan, and a former RPF soldier whose “flight” from persecution in Rwanda quickly led to his employment at the Rwanda Embassy in London as a receptionist. From the Embassy, Rugema helped Kigali track down legitimate refugees. Rugema also set up his current business enterprise and continues to operate out of London as an economic agent dealing in the export/import of top quality Rwandan Arabica green bean coffee for the Kagame regime.(100)

On November 2, 2007, the Rwandan cabinet appointed Rugema to the post of 2nd Counselor at the Rwandan Embassy in New York City.

“It is very interesting that this Rwandan refugee is now working as a business agent for the government he ran away from,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “It is 100% certain that Moses Rugema used the asylum system as a bogus asylum claimant and worked at the Rwanda Embassy in London.”

One of the highest-profile RPF-allied asylum seekers who has milked the system to gain status in the U.K. is Linda Bihire, recently appointed to the RPF’s cabinet under the recent government reshuffling that was advised by Kagame’s new spin doctor, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair.

On March 13, 2008, Bihire was appointed to Rwandan Cabinet as Minister of Infrastructure. However, Linda Bihire is another Ugandan-born “Rwandan” whose lineage and origins are belied by her inability to speak the native Kinyarwanda language of Rwanda. During her swearing-in ceremony in Kigali, Bihire’s inability to read the Oath of Office forced the organizers to switch to English.(101)

Bihire’s cabinet selection was engineered by Rwanda’s top intelligence agent, Emmanuel Ndahiro, a feared agent in and out of Rwanda who controls Rwanda’s state daily New Times newspaper and uses it as a political tool to peddle disinformation and attack critics of the RPF. Linda Bihire is Emmanuel Ndahiro’s mistress and they have a 19 year-old son. Lt. Col. Dr. Emmanuel Ndahiro is also a maternal cousin to Paul Kagame and Director General of Rwanda’s dreaded National Security Service.

Bihire is also a close friend of another RPF-allied Rwandan asylum seeker in the U.K., Rose Ngabire, the secretary at the Rwandan Embassy in London. Prior to her cabinet appointment, Bihire milked the U.K. asylum system to get higher education, earning a Bachelor’s Degree in civil engineering and a Master’s Degree in project management from the University of Nottingham and the University of Portsmouth, respectively.

Bihire’s new life apparently began soon after she finished her elementary schooling in Kampala, Uganda, when RPF agent Emmanuel Ndahiro organized her “political asylum” status and facilitated her transfer to London.(102) Bihire was soon identified as a Rwandan agent by legitimate Rwandan asylum seekers in England.(103)

After she arrived in London, Dr. Zac Nsenga, the ambassador to the U.K. at the time, stepped in and landed Bihire a government scholarship for her higher education.

Another U.K. asylum fraud was perpetrated by Joseph Mutaboba, Secretary General of Rwanda’s Ministry of Internal Affairs and former Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In September 2006, Mutaboba co-chaired the United Nations Permanent Advisory Committee on Security Issues in the Central African Region. Since 2003, he has participated in preparatory meetings of the International Conference on Peace and Security in the Great Lakes region and as Coordinator for Rwanda and Head of the Peace and Security Thematic Group. All these “security” posts occurred even while Rwanda continued to plunder Congo. However, Joseph Mutaboba’s wife is another “refugee” living in North London and using the asylum process for personal gain.

Another RPF agent who infiltrated England through the asylum process is Ignatius Mugabo, a naturalized citizen of Uganda who first sought asylum in Denmark but later joined his wife Jacqueline in Britain; Mugabo may by now have gained British citizenship. Mugabo’s wife Jacqueline was reportedly granted full refugee protection under the 1951 UNHCR Convention, which guarantees that any asylum seeker is automatically entitled to be joined by their families.(104) According to Rwandan asylum seekers, Mugabo joined is wife in London in 2003.(105)

Ignatius Mugabo not only worked for the RPF, he became one of Kagame’s top intelligence officials and an active hunter of Kagame’s critics abroad. In March of 2007, just prior to the 13th anniversary of the April 6, 1994 presidential assassinations, Mugabo set up a petition to the British Prime Minister calling on Rwandans in Britain to support his campaign to hunt down and arrest genocidaires. Eighteen people signed the petition, including Ignatius Mugabo.

The petition statement reads:

“We the members of the Rwandan Community resident in the U.K., during the 13th anniversary of the genocide in our country, concerned that many suspected perpetrators of this heinous crime continue to hide in Western countries including U.K., call on the British Prime Minister and his government to increase their support for the delivery of justice to the victims of the Rwandan genocide by tracking and arresting whoever is suspected of having played a role in this tragedy.”(106)

“Mugabo set up this petition on the U.K. Prime Minister’s web site,” says one Rwandan refugee in London, “but he received too few signatures to get any action from the Prime Minister. All members of the Rwandan community did not sign as they feared their names to be recognized on the list of asylum seekers. Mugabo was disappointed to receive so few supporters.”(107)

Ignatius Mugabo is also on the management committee of the Rwandan Community Association of the U.K., in charge of organizing events meant to draw out Rwandan refugees, and he is Director of Rwanda Diaspora Investment Ltd., another business front for Kigali.(108) Legitimate Rwandan asylum seekers note with curiosity how Mugabo works with the Rwandan Embassy to organize official events while he and his family have reportedly fled the Kagame regime.

Ignatius Mugabo is considered the second most feared intelligence agent of the Kagame regime in London, second only to his associate, James Wizeye. Ignatius Mugabo, Tony Kavutse and Rose Ngabire all work on the Rwanda Embassy staff under the guidance of its two top espionage agents: James Wizeye and Claver Gatete.

James Wizeye was appointed as the 1st Secretary at the Rwanda Embassy in London on June 29, 2005 and today he is also the most feared Rwandan intelligence operative involved in hunting Rwanda’s state enemies, critics and asylum seekers in England and, more widely, in Europe.

A former RPF soldier and current member of Kigali’s intelligence apparatus, Wizeye formerly worked as administrative attaché at the Rwanda Embassy in Kampala, Uganda. However, Wizeye was expelled by the Uganda government in November 2004 after accusations surfaced that Rwanda was training rebels hostile to the Ugandan government: Wizeye was implicated in rebel activities and accused of espionage.(109)

Wizeye is reportedly wanted today in Uganda and banned from visiting for his role as part of an elite RPF “hit squad” that operated in Uganda to track down enemies of the RPF regime.(110) Wizeye set up intelligence cells and purchased information from Ugandan agents who were later arrested.(111)

“In the U.K. James Wizeye is involved in hunting refugees, weapons dealings and protecting Rwanda’s ‘good image’ by using the media,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “He grew up in Uganda and now he is wanted there because of spying and killings in 2000 and 2001. His success in these [terrorist] operations for the Kagame regime earned him a diplomatic post in London.”(112)

Rwandan intelligence agent James Wizeye lives inside the Rwanda Embassy compound at 120-122 Seymour Place in London. Wizeye has attended high-level conferences with U.S. officials, including Ambassador Jendayi Frazer.(113) According to Rwandans familiar with Wizeye’s activities, he is one of the RPF’s top weapons and minerals agents working in London—possibly a key player in Kigali’s fencing of contraband resources stolen from the Democratic Republic of Congo and arranging of weapons transfers.(114)

Raised and educated in Uganda, Claver Gatete is the Rwandan Ambassador in London appointed to the Cabinet on September 7, 2005. Gatete is an economist who left Uganda for higher education in Canada. He is known to be an “extremist” RPF official—one of the actual “Masterminds” of RPF strategy to seize and consolidate power in Rwanda—who supported the RPF movement from Canada and the U.S. as a key member of the Association of Banyarwanda in Diaspora.(115)

Gatete organized the RPF campaign abroad, working on funding, lobbying and political alliances, and went on to become a senior Presidential adviser to Paul Kagame. Gatete also worked as Secretary General at the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, and he was Steering Committee member as part of President Clinton’s euphemistically named New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a hegemonic U.S. state department project in neoliberal economics and protectionist trade.(116)

“Claver Gatete is 500% involved in hunting down Hutus and spreading the genocide ideology of Kigali,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro.

The Genocide Misery Industry

Bogus asylum seekers in the U.K. are also working to raise tens of millions of pounds annually, ostensibly to support genocide survivors and social programs in Rwanda. Instead much of this money reportedly disappears behind the smokescreens of “aid” and “development”.

There are many charities and non-government organizations from the U.S. and U.K. that run large money-making operations that claim to benefit Rwanda. These charities complete the circle of propaganda and seal the doubt of public opinion by legitimizing a terrorist government under the unimpeachable veneer of humanitarianism and goodwill.

These charities work the media system, providing expert spokespeople and framing issues for the mass media. The media system works the charities, using them to institutionalize ideology and further their select political agendas. Like the media, the charities peddle the establishment line throughout, meanwhile claiming that they are “not political.” But it is always the same: like Praxis, they unflinchingly adhere to the upside-down mythology which turns victims into killers and killers into victims with very little middle ground in between.

For example, Fergal Keane is a patron of MSAADA, a “charity based in Dorset, England, that helps surviving orphans and widows of the Rwandan genocide.”(117) With the assistance of the British media system, MSAADA advances the standard mythology about genocide in Rwanda.

“In 100 days an estimated one million people were butchered in the Rwandan genocide, while the United Nations refused to intervene to halt the bloodshed,” reads the MSAADA disinformation. “The world turned its back on the people of Rwanda once, and now the country is largely forgotten again.”

RPF agent and false asylum seeker Ignatius Mugabo is on the management committee of IMIZI, a U.K.-based Rwanda charity.(118)

Vivenie Niragira Mugunga, the RPF agent and false asylum seeker—who served as Fergal Keane’s critic of Praxis—is the director of a Rwanda/U.K. charity called RYICO.(119)

One of the largest and most influential charities working the Rwanda Genocide for political and economic profit is the big U.K. non-government organization (NGO) Aegis Trust. Aegis works closely with several U.K. government departments on Holocaust and genocide issues and plays a leading role in the Intergovernmental Task Force for Holocaust Education, Remembrance and Research established by Bill Clinton, Goran Persson (former Prime Minister of Sweden), and Tony Blair in 1998. Aegis Trust is also the primary financial sponsor of the Genocide Memorial in Gisozi, the largest memorial in Rwanda. Aegis Trust patrons include General Romeo Dallaire, Bob Geldof, Desmond Tutu and Elie Wiesel, and the organization is believed to also be deeply tied to the intelligence community.(120)

Another high profile charity working in the U.K. is Survivor’s Fund—SURF—a large NGO that “works to improve the lives of the Rwandan Survivors of Genocide.” According to their web site, “SURF was founded by a British Citizen of Rwandan origin (who lost family members and relations during this tragic event) and other Rwandans based in U.K., and concerned British individuals. Although support to survivors dates back to 1995, SURF was formally established and registered in 1997.”(121)

According to legitimate Rwandan refugees, however, SURF founder Mary Kayitesi Blewitt gained British citizenship after falsely claiming to be both a genocide survivor and a Tutsi from Rwanda. She is also reported to be the first RPF “diplomatic” representative to have arrived in the U.K., and the one who effectively opened the new Rwandan Embassy in London—running RPF operations out of one small room at the Uganda High Commission at Trafalgar Square—after the RPF “victory” of July 1994.(122)

“She is 100% Ugandan and 100% liar,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “Ask her what village she came from in Rwanda, which prefecture, which commune. Ask her where she lived, where her family lived in Rwanda. She can’t answer. She doesn’t speak the language fluently and she claims she lost 50 members of her family in Rwanda in 1994, but her family was all in Uganda.”

“A year after the genocide in Rwanda, Mary Kayitesi Blewitt returned to her village to dig through a mass grave in search of her family,” reported the U.K.’s Independent on October 12, 2004. “The rains had washed away the topsoil, revealing the bodies of about 200 people… She lost 50 members of her family in the genocide, including her brother John Baptiste, 27, whose leg was hacked off by his killers. He was left to bleed to death in front of his wife and children.”(123)

According to Rwandan sources Mary Kayitesi Blewitt has used fake genocide survivors and their sympathy stories to perpetrate a massive fundraising swindle—raising millions of pounds for the RPF regime. Like most “humanitarian” NGOs, the fundraising relies on the mass media for brand recognition (brand names like ‘UNICEF’, ‘CARE’, and ‘Save the Children’) and to broadcast images of suffering African ‘survivors’ of genocide. Fortunately, Mary Kayitesi’s Survivor’s Fund benefits from the patronage of Fergal Keane and Lindsay Hilsum—two high-profile storytellers always pressing the establishment’s Rwandan genocide narrative.

In return, and closing the cycle, the media personalities endorse the organization.

“Mary Blewitt is quite a remarkable human being,” said Fergal Keane, “one of the most remarkable I have ever met. Her work has involved extraordinary personal sacrifice. Those of us who witnessed genocide in Rwanda know that Mary Blewitt stands among the bravest of the brave, the kindest of the kind.” (124)

“The money goes to the criminal networks in Kigali,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “They are killing each other fighting over the money. That is why you see RPF sometimes falling out with Kagame. They had even arrested Mary Kayitesi in Kigali in 2007; they held her a few days while they were fighting over the money, but of course they had to release her because she is their fundraising source!”

For her sacrifice “to the survivors of the Rwandan genocide in Rwanda and the U.K.,” Mary Kayitesi Blewitt was awarded the Order of the British Empire by Prince Charles on February 28, 2008.(125) After the publication of his book, Season of Blood, and for his “services to journalism,” Fergal Keane was awarded the Order of the British Empire by Prince Charles in 1996.

Mary Kayitesi Blewitt is also listed as a member of the U.K. Holocaust Memorial Trust.(126)

The compromised mission of the Survivor’s Fund—ostensibly an apolitical non-government humanitarian organization—and its true political agenda is further underscored by the false asylum status and sudden financial windfall of its founder, Mary Kayitesi Blewitt.

In early March, 2008, Mary Kayitesi Blewitt resigned her post as the Founder and Director of Survivor’s Fund. According to sources in London, Blewitt has informed her closed friends that she is moving back to Uganda where she has built a big health spa—Ultimate Escape Health Spa—that will operate in the heart of Kampala, Uganda’s capital city.

According to the promotional materials, “Ultimate Escape Health Spa is a social enterprise which will offer holistic healing treatments, health, fitness and beauty regimes in a soothing stress relieving environment. Scheduled to open in 2009, Ultimate Escape Health Spa will offer sanctuary and safe haven. Profit will be donated to survivors of the Rwandan genocide to enable them to escape from their troubles and trauma.”(127)

“What an interesting move for someone who has spent the last 14 years working for genocide survivors,” notes Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “Moving into business now? And not in Rwanda, but in Uganda? The reason is it is the only country she knows well. She was born in Uganda and lived in Uganda although she falsely represented herself as a Rwanda genocide survivor to raise money. And this is another scam. Making people feel good thinking they will help Rwanda genocide survivors. Scam, scam, scam.” (128)

The Media as Genocide Tribunal

Prior to confronting Dr. Vincent Bajinya in person, Fergal Keane collaborated with the Kagame regime to collect the “evidence” of genocide crimes. Thus it is important that Fergal Keane make public his connections with the Kagame government and the facts surrounding his sudden interest in Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

Keane’s role as an apologist for the Kagame regime and the Rwanda Patriotic Front began in April of 1994 when Keane contacted the RPF in Belgium, met their agent in Uganda, and traveled with RPF assurance and protection in Rwanda during April and May 1994.(129)

In 2003, Keane also served as a prosecution witness against Sylvestre Gacumbitsi at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda. According to the ICTR Press Release, Keane “was in Rwanda in the months of May and June in 1994, told the court about the many dead bodies he saw in various parts of the Kibungo prefecture and in particular at Nyarubuye Catholic Church. The witness who has written a book, Season of Blood; the Rwanda Journey, showed a video film about the killings.” (129)

The ICTR Press Release does not point out that Fergal Keane set up his visit to Rwanda in 1994 through the Rwandan Patriotic Front office in Belgium; that he met his RPF escort in Uganda at the border, and that he travelled with the assurance of safety from the RPF. Further, it seems the atrocities that occurred at Nyarubuye were staged by the RPF.

Professor Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, former director of ORINFOR, offers the “massacre of Tutsis” at Nyarubuye as another example of how the Kagame regime manufactured and tampered with massacre sites before inviting the media to “witness” and document the evidence of genocide blamed on Hutu extremists.

“In Nyarubuye, the Interahamwe killed Tutsi at a parish in a building used for religious education where Tutsis had sought shelter,” says Higiro. “When the RPF arrived with the Interahamwe they had rounded up in commune Murambi, they took them to the local Catholic Church and executed them and left their bodies there. Then RPF soldiers killed civilians in and around Nyarubuye and brought the bodies to the church. After its victory and to show the world what had happened in Rwanda, the RPF dug up bodies and placed them on stilts outside of churches. But all the people killed by the RPF were blamed on Hutus.”(131)

Fergal Keane tracked down Sylvestre Gacumbitsi in a refugee camp in Tanzania and accused him on film much as he did with Dr. Vincent Bajinya. The “evidence” for Keane’s charges likely was fabricated by the Kagame regime much as it was fabricated to frame Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

“Sylvestre Gacumbitsi was defended by a Mr. Kouengowa and Ms. Anne Mbattang, both from Cameroon,” says former ICTR defense investigator Phil Taylor. “Hirondelle [news agency] reported that the trial was one of the ‘fastest’ in ICTR history. I have not read his testimony but according to his book Fergal Keane was tight with one of his RPF handlers and it was this man who led him to two people who claimed to be witnesses.(132) The massacre occurred mid-April [1994] and Keane went to the site in June.” (133)

On June 17, 2004, Sylvestre Gacumbitsi was found “guilty” of crimes against humanity and genocide by the court.

The work of Fergal Keane and the BBC in framing “the Rwanda genocide” story is mirrored by numerous other award-wining journalists. At the top of the list are Lindsay Hilsum of Britain’s Observer newspaper and Channel Four television, and Stephen Kinzer, the New York Times writer who recently published A Thousand Hills: Rwanda’s Rebirth and the Man Who Dreamed It, a shamelessly positive biography of the heroic Paul Kagame.

“Ten years ago, one million Rwandans perished in the worst genocide since the Second World War,” Lindsay Hilsum says. (134)Hilsum was working with the Observer in 1994 and was reportedly the only British journalist in Kigali as the killing began.(134) Hilsum echoes the standard tripe about Rwanda. “Rwanda’s genocide could have been prevented.” (135)

Instead of reassessing and revising her original analyses, which would be the appropriate thing to do in the face of the rising evidence of the RPF’s crimes, Lindsay Hilsum—like many others—takes the apology for murder a step further to explain away the RPF terrorism in Congo: “Guilt over their failure to stop the killings spurred donors—especially Britain, the U.S. and the Netherlands—to back the Rwandan Government, despite its poor human rights record and involvement in plundering the Congo.”(136)

Like most of the establishment journalists, Fergal Keane’s reporting has attracted widespread critical acclaim. He was named as overall winner of the Amnesty International Press Awards in 1993 and won an Amnesty television prize in 1994 for his investigation of the Rwandan Genocide, called “Journey Into Darkness.”

However, during the years when the government of President Juvenal Habyarimana was under attack by the RPF, the documentation produced by international human rights bodies decidedly took the side of the RPF.(137) This pattern has continued, and it should come as no surprise that Fergal Keane and Lindsay Hilsum are the chosen recipients of the Amnesty International Press Award and Television prizes.

According to his own testimony Keane gained access to Rwanda’s killing fields in partnership with the Rwanda Patriotic Front. In late May and early June of 1994, as the killings in Rwanda were drawing to a close—but as pockets of Tutsis were still being hunted down—Keane traveled for several weeks with the advancing Tutsi RPF forces.(138)

“By the time we got to the border with Rwanda through Uganda, we had made contact with the RPF in Brussels,” Keane stated in PBS Frontline’s “Ghosts of Rwanda”. “And they had, by that stage, become relatively organized about linking up and giving people safe passage down through the country. It was the most organized guerilla army I had ever come across. And I’d been with the rebels in Eritrea, and they have a name for being very strict and highly organized. But the RPF were certainly in a class of art in terms of organization.”(139)

To set up the false dichotomy between savage killers—Hutus—and organized saviors—the RPF—journalists like Fergal Keane and Philip Gourevitch—and like Donatella Lorch and Raymond Bonner of the New York Times and Gary Streiker of CNN—hammered the point home over and over: The RPF is highly disciplined and organized.(140) The RPF’s crimes were not reported because virtually every western journalist was embedded with the RPF.

“We met a very helpful and friendly young lieutenant,” continues Fergal Keane, describing his foray into the killing fields in May of 1994. Keane innocuously introduces “a guy called Frank Ndore who guided us down through the country.”(141)

Fergal Keane’s contact and escort, arranged through Brussels in advance, was an RPF soldier. Lieutenant Frank Ndore was born in Uganda to Rwandan Tutsi parents who fled in 1959. He was a veteran of Museveni’s National Resistance Army and the RPF offensive in 1990.(142)

“And the most striking thing about driving in through Rwanda at that stage was the emptiness,” Keane continues. “I was used to an Africa of crowded villages, of people working in the fields—a vibrant, living Africa. And this place, it was like somebody had got a Hoover [vacuum cleaner] and placed it over the country and just sucked all of the life, hoovered the life up out of the place. There was nothing. Just emptiness.”(143)

“In Byumba—where the RPF first invaded Rwanda from Uganda in October 1990—Kagame went to a market and committed so many atrocities,” says Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana, a Rwandan medical doctor practicing in Laredo, Texas, whose father, Pastor Elizaphan Ntakirutimana, was judged, tried and convicted by “journalist” Philip Gourevitch in his fictitious book.(144)

“More than a million people fled to Kigali,” says Eliel Ntakirutimana. “All their farms had been taken, all their goats killed, they were living on the streets. When these people heard that the RPF is coming to Kigali, what do you think they are going to do? They are going to fight!” (145)

Philip Gourevitch shares the dubious honor of being one of Kigali’s premier bounty hunters for framing, accusing, judging, and convicting Hutus in his New Yorker features and his fictional [sic] award-winning book, We Wish to Inform You that Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda.(146)

Philip Gourevitch’s book is “completely one-sided” says Paul Rusesabagina, the real-life subject of the film Hotel Rwanda. “His book took very much the RPF side. He was more or less like an RPF advocate.”(147)

Gourevitch is known for fabricating a New Yorker story called “The Genocide Fax” in alliance with Clinton’s Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Undersecretary James Rubin—Philip Gourevitch’s brother-in-law.”(148)

According to Gourevitch and the New Yorker, the fax, sent by Major General Romeo Dallaire, the U.N. force commander in Rwanda, to peacekeeping headquarters in New York, “reported in startling detail the preparations that were under way to carry out the [Hutu] extermination campaign [against Tutsis].”(149) In the official Rwanda genocide mythology, the imaginary fax reportedly sent by U.N. force commander General Romeo Dallaire would have had to have existed prior to April 6, 1994.

But there was no fax sent by General Romeo Dallaire, and the “genocide fax” was a fabricated document meant to divert attention and mislead—and to fill in the gaping hole of a complete absence of documentary proof of planning of a genocide in the official ‘planned genocide’ theory. The ‘genocide fax’ was sent by Colonel R. M. Connaughton of the British Army, based at Camberly, Surrey, England, and the home of the British Military Academy, Sandhurst, and several other British Army establishments.(150) Colonel Connaughton also sent a copy of his fabricated fax to British journalist Lindsay Hilsum at the Observer.(151) The ‘genocide fax’ was placed in U.N. files in New York on November 28, 1995, and it never existed before that date.(152)

Gourevitch’s Rwanda ‘genocide’ project was funded by the U.S. Institute for Peace (USIP), a euphemistically named think-tank that has been very aggressive in peddling the official Rwandan genocide story.(153) The USIP has also funded propaganda films and reports on the “genocide in Rwanda,” such as one authored by National Security insider John Prendergast of the International Crises Group, a flack-producing U.S. intelligence group fronting as a “humanitarian” NGO.(154)

Philip Gourevitch also peddled the fiction that the Tutsis are “the Jews of Africa” and he often speaks about his firsthand experience with “genocide in Rwanda” at Jewish religious events.(155)

Gourevitch helped facilitate journalist Michela Wrong’s book, In the Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz, which was funded by London’s Financial Times, and is another whitewash of the RPF invasions of Zaire in 1996, the killing of Hutu refugees, and the role of the West in supporting Mobutu and terrorizing the people of Congo/Zaire.(156)

But the Gourevitch connection to the information warfare against the people of Congo—and trusting Western “news” consumers back home—doesn’t end there. James Rubin, Gourevitch’s brother-in-law and Madeleine Albright’s Undersecretary of State, also primed his future wife, CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, to cover up the criminal racketeering and plunder, and the Hutu genocide committed by the RPF and UPDF and their backers from the Western defense and intelligence establishment.(157)

“Philip Gourevitch came to my house,” says Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana. “I should have listened to my lawyer. I didn’t know this guy was working with the [U.S.] State Department. I completely believe that Philip Gourevitch accused, tried and convicted my father in his book. Gourevitch set up my father and consistently lied about him. The stories [Gourevitch] tells about the maid and the stories about Genny, my wife, were all fabricated.”(158)

Philip Gourevitch is known to be a very close friend of Paul Kagame and had the support of the Kagame regime, and the backing of the U.S. State Department, from the start. Gourevitch’s fictional treatise on genocide in Rwanda was funded by the euphemistically named U.S. Institute for Peace, a U.S. establishment think-tank known for the production of disinformation in service to select agendas.

“Several attempts were made to take the Tutsi workers and hide them by Gerard and Pastor Elizaphan but they declined the offer,” says Eliel Ntakirutimana, speaking about his father and brother’s true actions in Rwanda in 1994. “People stayed at the churches because their Tutsi sons who were in the RPF were telling them to stay there, we will come for you. But Kagame refused to allow RPF soldiers leave to go to the churches to protect their families. He wanted victims, something big to use to gain power. Kagame wanted dead bodies.”(159)

After inciting hatred and fear and driving millions of people into flight, Kagame got exactly what he wanted and this formed the pillars of the genocide ideology successfully used to silence both critics and truth.

Gerard and Elizaphan Ntakirutimana were framed by the Rwanda government, and Philip Gourevitch played the central role in furthering the fabrications in his prize-winning U.S. state department novel.

Elizaphan Ntakirutimana was found guilty of ‘aiding and abetting genocide’ and sentenced to 10 years in prison.(160) On December 6, 2006, after serving 10 years in arrest or prison, he was released. The 83 year-old pastor died just over a month later, on January 22, 2007. Gerard Ntakirutimana was convicted genocide and crimes against humanity and sentenced to 35 years in prison.

“Gerard Ntakirutimana was a good doctor with no politics who returned from abroad to help his community in Rwanda in 1993,” says former ICTR defense investigator Phil Taylor. “One year later disaster struck with the assassination of the President and a brutal war. I believe that both Dr. Gerard and his father Elizaphan are innocent and victims of political hysteria.”(161)

The Big Business of Genocide

The war that rocked Rwanda in the early 1990’s set the stage for a complete reorganization of power and control in the tiny landlocked country. The role of Rwanda in plundering Congo has been highly censored by the establishment press, but greatly illuminated by certain independent journalists. Even the U.N. Panel of Experts reports remain apt testimonials to the plunder which continues, no matter the denials and public relations statements to the contrary, under the watchful eyes of the United Nations Observers Mission in Congo (MONUC) and the so-called international “human rights” community.

On February 8, 2008, for one egregious example of politically motivated disinformation, Kemal Saiki, MONUC’s Chief Public Information officer, gave a public interview in which he stated that Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) were not present or involved in Congo.(162) This is an outright lie and it is not the first lie that Kemal Saiki has told.(163)

Rwanda continues to pull the purse strings in eastern Congo and strangle all hope for truth, liberty, justice and life for millions of Congolese people. Congo’s gold, coltan, niobium, oil and diamonds continue to pass through Rwanda and Uganda in transit to international markets. General Laurent Nkunda routinely travels freely back and forth from Congo to Rwanda.(165)

By depopulating Rwanda, rich land was opened up for new multinational corporate exploitation and the war brought about new ownership and means of control. Excluding the profits from the extractive industries in Rwanda and Congo, Rwanda’s top money makers are tea, coffee and gorilla tourism. Close on the heels of these are the HIV/AIDS scams involving the Clinton and Pangea Foundations, and their pharmaceutical backers like Pfizer.

In the past six to eight years USAID has invested over US$ 10 million in the coffee sector in Rwanda, which was radically reconfigured—in terms of plantations, landholders, and market dominance—due to the power shift that occurred between 1989, when world coffee prices crashed, and 2006, when USAID, the Kagame government and Starbucks—a major promoter of the Hollywood film King Kong and Kong paraphernalia—announced huge economic gains in the international coffee market. Starbucks provided coffee expertise and training in Rwanda, and their ‘superior’ specialty ‘award-winning’ Rwandan coffee was highlighted in 5,000 Starbucks coffee outlets during March and April 2006. (165)

USAID and its business partners have estimated that the coffee sector could generate at least US$ 117 million in export revenues per year for Rwanda by 2010. The tea industry has potential to generate US$ 91 million in export revenues by 2010. The goal for the tourism industry is to attract 70,000 tourists to visit Rwanda and to generate US$ 99 million in revenues by 2010.(166) Huge development projects are underway.

All of these require land cleared of people. Enter USAID, Africa Wildlife Fund, the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International, Conservation International, Royal/Dutch Shell, Jane Goodall Institute, Starbucks, Green Mountain Coffee—and Goodworks International, putting a happy face on it all.

“The more you consume coffee from Rwanda, the more you give Rwanda hope,” said Rwanda’s Ambassador Zac Nsenga. “It’s the quality and the story behind it that makes it special.”

The genocide business and the depopulation behind it is a special story indeed.

Hunting and Killing Hutus

The state security and intelligence networks in Uganda and Rwanda today revolve around terrorism, and state-run “safe” houses proliferate with very little, if any, attention from human rights organizations or western media institutions. Anyone who violates the code of state-orchestrated silence will be silenced, themselves, perhaps by being ‘disappeared.’

Said one source working in Central Africa: “By the ‘undercover iron hand’ in Rwanda I mean that people are whisked away by government operatives into ‘safe houses’ or [unidentified] torture houses. Nobody knows the whereabouts of these houses but they exist, for some of those who have been taken there can reveal their horrendous experiences.”(167)

But the true history or terrorism in the region is well- hidden by the media propaganda system, the public relations, and the official Rwanda genocide story.

“We now know that the Rwandan Patriotic Front operated 36 active clandestine cells in Rwanda when it invaded on October 1, 1990, and that these cells worked through human rights groups,” writes Canadian author Robin Philpot in his book, “Colonialism Dies Hard.”(168)

In 1988, Rwandan multi-millionaire Assinapol Rwigara financed a 1988-1989 bicycling tour of Rwanda in which Paul Kagame and other RPF agents secretly toured the country in a support van belonging to the Ugandan cycling team. Such people as Assinapol Rwigara create inconvenient truths that challenge the establishment narrative about “Hutu extremists planning and organizing genocide” in Rwanda: Rwigara was a Tutsi businessman and close associate of Juvenal Habyarimana, whom he betrayed by financing the RPF. (169)

In a situation report (SITREP) dated May 17, 1994, Mark Prutsalis of Refugees International (RI), a U.S. State Department and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) linked non-government organization (NGO), described the situation of Hutu refugees arriving at the rate of 3000 people per day and crossing the Tanzanian border from Rwanda. Some 70,000 refugees had already crossed three major crossing points and the presence of the RPF at the border was noted and described. The document provided “incident” excerpts from a UNHCR protection report made on May 14 and 15, 1994.(170)

In the Kigarama Sector of the Rusumo Commune, “The RPF came and called for a ‘peace meeting.’ Those who did not participate voluntarily were forced to the meeting. At the school people were tied together three by three—men/women/children—and stabbed. The bodies were put on trucks and thrown into the Kagera River, north of Rusumo Bridge.”(171)

In the Nyamugari, Gisenyi, and Nyarubuje sectors of the Rusumo Commune, “The RPF comes at 05h00 waiting for villagers to open their doors. The villagers are caught and taken away to the river by trucks. No one has returned. Refugees of the area have seen people being tied together and thrown into the river. It seems as if guns are only used if somebody tries to escape.”(172)

At Rusumo commune, sector Muzaza, Gasarabwayi Village (four kms from the Kagera River): “The RPF launched several attacks on the village and its population. On [May 13] 40 RPF soldiers came at 07h00. They surrounded the village. Villagers were gathered in houses, which were burned down. An eyewitness saw 20 people being killed this way. Eight villagers were thrown into a latrine, and the latrine was filled with soil. Asked by a UNHCR field officer, the refugee said that the RPF did not care whether the victims were Hutu or Tutsi villagers.”(173)

At the Mugoma border crossing: “The refugees report that on 15 May as many as 100 refugees (maybe more) were killed by the RPF on a hill opposite the closest crossing point [Mugoma].”(174)

The report cites only RPA/F soldiers involved in killing and the conclusion section includes comments by an International Rescue Committee (IRC) staff member sent to the IRC offices. “Things are getting very bad at the border here… Someone really needs to do something about all of the killing and torture on the other [Rwandan] side. Each day there are more and more bodies in the river and most of them without their heads; the count is between 20 to 30 [bodies] each thirty minutes.”(175)

If Fergal Keane were working as an unbiased journalist he could have taken the opportunity to interview refugees in the Tanzanian camps about the RPF slaughter they witnessed. Instead, Keane was on a personal crusade to the Tanzanian camps to track down and convict a supposed Hutu genocidaire named Sylvestre Gacumbitsi.

Similarly, CNN’s Gary Streiker reported from the Tanzanian border during this period—in the first two weeks of May—but the RPF involvement in killing was hidden from the world: like everyone else, Streiker was embedded with the RPF.

“The rapidly moving water of the [Kagera] River,” wrote Thomas Lang in the Columbia Journalism Review, ten years later (2005), in remembrance of Gary Streiker’s reportage of May 9, 1994, “carrying with it hundreds of Rwandan bodies, slaughtered and dumped in the river, creating a picture not seen since the Nazi death camps of the 1940s. An image of almost unimaginable horror. Will the world react to these pictures and do anything? […] Simply put, if you watched CNN in the summer of 1994, you were made aware of a genocide taking place on a nationwide scale—and you were given a working understanding of what triggered it.” (176)

According to a U.N. cable dated October 14, 1994, UNHCR special investigator Robert Gersoni gave a detailed verbal briefing (from his notes) on his findings and conclusions after completing an investigation in Rwanda during August and September of 1994. The meeting was attended by Kofi Annan, then the Under-Secretary General for Peacekeeping Operations, by UNAMIR II Force Commander Major General Guy Tousignant, and by several others. Annan had attended a previous meeting with Gersoni on September 14 and warned high-level officials that if Gersoni’s findings were correct they would be very damaging to Kagame’s government and to the United Nations.(177)

Robert Gersoni was not known for making mistakes. He was a professional investigator of high-repute known for 25 years of well-documented work for UNHCR, USAID and other bodies. According to UNHCR, Gersoni’s report was based on a five-week investigation that interviewed 300 Rwandans in 41 of Rwanda’s 145 communes and at 9 refugee camps. The secret cable was designed to mitigate the repercussions of the Gersoni charges and institute damage control.(178)

“We are now engaged in a damage limitation exercise,” wrote Shaharyar Khan, Special Representative to Kofi Annan from the U.N. Assistance Mission to Rwanda II (UNAMIR II).(179)

According to the cable: “In a two hour briefing, Gersoni put forward evidence of what he described as calculated, pre-planned, systematic atrocities and genocide against Hutus by the RPF, whose methodology and scale, he concluded (30,000 massacred), could only have been part of a plan implemented as a policy from the highest echelons of the [Kagame] government. In his view these were not individual cases of revenge and summary trials but a pre-planned, systematic genocide against the Hutus. Gersoni staked his 25 year reputation on his conclusions which he recognized were diametrically opposite to the assumptions made, so far, by the U.N. and international community.”(180)

The document noted Gersoni’s claim that the RPF traveled around committing a genocide against Hutus with hoes, clubs and machetes.(181)

The above excerpts come from a huge cache of official documents, some of which have been seen only by attorneys at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda.(182) These documents and the many more that remain secret provide a substantial body of incontrovertible evidence about who knew what, and when, and about what really happened in Central Africa in the 1990’s, and about how the RPF orchestrated and carried out a highly coordinated and calculated program of depopulation and terror.

“Scratch the surface, the red earth of Rwanda, and you will, it appears, find one vast cemetery,” wrote British journalist Nick Gordon in a shocking 1996 expose. “The people who passed me the document know it will be hard to investigate. Many areas are no-fly zones. The government has exhumed graves, dried the skeletons and burned them. Some graves have been used more than once: they contain bodies from both the first genocide and the counter-genocide. Often the people who have buried the dead, the creusers, are themselves killed so they cannot bear witness.”(183)

After 14 years this correspondent has slowly but surely come to the conclusion that if anyone planned genocide in Rwanda, it was the RPF, and only the RPF. If I must accept that a pre-planned genocide was committed by the Interahamwe and “extremist Hutus” as defined by the official Rwanda genocide narrative that is now deeply instilled in the public mind in what can only be considered a collective insanity, then I must insist that the same people who make this claim acknowledge the genocide planned and committed by the RPF.

“Every April, Rwandans remember the 1994 genocide during a week of national mourning,” wrote Dutch journalist Thijs Bouwknegt on April 4, 2008 in an article which explores ‘genocide negationism’. “This year’s official motto is ‘Let us commemorate genocide while fighting against genocide ideology; render assistance to survivors while working for development’. The crimes of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), however, will be officially forgotten.”(184)

In the lastest show of military and political support for terrorist partners serving the U.S. military expansion and natural resource plundered from Africa, the Pentagon in late 2007 extended the Kagame government a military training package worth $7-12 million. When President Bush was in Kigali in 2008, the Pentagon extended another $12 million ‘aid’ package for ‘peacekeeping’ training in Darfur—a euphemism for exporting terrorism of the RPF kind.(185) ~

Notes

1 The initial invasion was led by the legendary leader and one of the founders of the RPF, Major General Fred Gisa Rwigema, who just a few months before had been the Ugandan Vice-Minister of Defense. Rwigema and his two seconds were murdered reportedly on the orders of Museveni, and Kagame was brought back from the U.S. Army’s Command and General Staff College at Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, to take command. See : Mick Collins, « The General’s Book on Rwanda, » http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2005/5/21/877913.html.

2 See Professor Peter Erlinder, “The Great Rwanda ‘Genocide Coverup’,” Global Research. February 20, 2008, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=8137.

3 See: “Genocide Negationists Head to Canada,” Rwanda News Agency, March 5, 2008, http://allafrica.com/stories/200803060958.html.

4 Thijs Bouwknegt, “Rwanda’s Genocide: Remembrance and Ideology,” Radio Netherlands Worldwide, April 4, 2008, http://internationaljustice.rnw.nl/tribunals/ICTR/080403-rwanda-genocide-ideology.

5 Rwanda: The Preventable Genocide, International Panel of Eminent Personalities, Section 18.39, http://www.africa-union.org/Official_documents/reports/Report_rowanda_genocide.pdf.

6 See: International Forum for Truth and Justice in the Great Lakes of Africa, .

7 The Report by French Anti-Terrorist Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière on the Shooting Down of Rwandan President Habyarimana’s Plane on April 6, 1994.

8 Legitimate Rwandan asylum seekers in the U.K. and U.S., several Rwandans who have gained citizenship, and certain Rwandan journalists under threat of persecution who were used as sources for this story cannot be identified.

9 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

10 “Rwanda Urges Canada to Extradite ‘Genocide Masterminds’,” CBC News, August 31, 2007.

11 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Suspect Worked at UK Trust,” BBC. November 6, 2006.

12 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Suspect Worked at UK Trust,” BBC. November 6, 2006.

13 Private communication, Rosalie Brown, March 2008.

14 Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, UNHCR 1951.

15 “Rwanda seeks genocide fugitives from Britain,” Reuters, November 7, 2006.

16 “Rwanda seeks genocide fugitives from Britain,” Reuters, November 7, 2006.

17 Private communication, Hutu Rwandan and U.K. citizen “Patrick Mahoro” (pseudonym used for his protection), March 2008.

18 Private communication, “Patrick Mahoro,” March 2008.

19 Private communication, “Patrick Mahoro,” March 2008.

20 The Democratic Republic of Congo was renamed Zaire during the reign of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. After the AFDL-CZ overthrew Mobutu the name was changed back to the Democratic Republic of Congo by the short-lived President Laurent Desire Kabila.

21 Jean-Christophe Nzeyimana gives an account of life and death at the Mugunga refugee camp in: David Barouski, “Surviving the Rwanda Genocide: An Interview with Jean-Christophe Nzeyimana,” ZNET, June 19, 2007, http://www.zmag.org/racewatch/SurvivingtheGenocide.pdf.

22 See: keith harmon snow, “Darfurism, Uganda and the U.S. War in Africa,” www.allthingspass.com; see also Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Mellon Press, 1999.

23 According to a top United Nations investigator, the IRC moved into bases in eastern Zaire in 1996 and started shelling the refugee camps with heavy weapons. Private interview, name withheld for confidentiality, July 2006.

24 This correspondent has interviewed witnesses to the war crimes committed against Hutu refugees all across the Democratic Republic of Congo, and in Rwanda, Uganda and the United States. See also: Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Mellon Press, 1999; Howard W. French, A Continent for the Taking: The Tragedy and Hope of Africa, Random House, 2004; and keith harmon snow, Hotel Rwanda: Hollywood and the Holocaust in Central Africa, www.allthingspass.com.

25 Private communication, Rosalie Brown, March 2008.

26 The term genocidaire is a French term often used to castigate innocent Hutus as deeply sinister and evil.

27 Private communication, Rosalie Brown, March 2008.

28 Private communications, Rosalie Brown, March 2008.

29 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

30 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

31 “British Charity Employs Doctor Accused of Crimes Against Humanity,” BBC Press Release, November 7, 2006.

32 IBITANGAJWE N’INAMA Y’ABAMINISITIRI YO KUWA 29 WERURWE 2002

33 http://www.diplomatie.be/nl/pdf/corpsconsulair.pdf

34 Janvier Mabuye, Twiyubakire Mu Rwanda, December 22, 2004, http://www.ambarwanda.be/pages/contentActual.asp?ActualId=118.

35 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

36 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

37 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

38 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

39 Fergal Keane. “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” BBC News. November 6, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/nolavconsole/ifs_news/hi/newsid_6120000/newsid_6123000/nb_wm_6123042.stm.

40 Rwanda: The Preventable Genocide, International Panel of Eminent Personalities, Section 17.8, http://www.africa-union.org/Official_documents/reports/Report_rowanda_genocide.pdf.

41 Personal interviews with three Rwandan asylum seekers in the U.K. and one source in Rwanda.

42 Home Office document, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Tony Kavutse, July 15, 2002.

43 Medical Foundation, http://www.torturecare.org.uk/about_us/patrons_and_trustees.

44 Hamra Yucel, MD, Request for Crises Loan RE: Mr. Tony Kavutse, DOB 29/10/76. Previously of Leabridge House, 497-501 Leabridge Road, London, E10 7 EB, Medical Foundation, July 29, 2002.

45 Hamra Yucel, MD, Request for Crises Loan RE: Mr. Tony Kavutse, DOB 29/10/76. Previously of Leabridge House, 497-501 Leabridge Road, London, E10 7 EB, Medical Foundation, July 29, 2002.

46 Email communication from Michelle Alexander, Medical Foundation, April 1, 2008.

47 Sarah Tipton (Housing Advisor), Letter from Waltham Forrest to Dr. Hamra Yucel, August 29, 2002; and Waltham Forest, http://www.walthamforest.gov.uk/.

48 Jenny Cook (Departmental Administration), Letter from the Birbeck School to Tony Kavutse, August 2004.

49 Tony Kavutse did not respond to repeated requests for communication.

50 Private communications with Rwandan refugees in London, March and April 2008.

51 Private communications with Rwandan refugees in London, March and April 2008.

52 Private communication, Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, March 2008.

53 Nick Gordon, “Return to Hell,” Sunday Express, April 21, 1996, http://www.abarundi.org/documents/NGordon_RDA_eng_01.html.

54 The establishment narrative on “AIDS in Africa” offers another example of disinformation suggesting a humanitarian agenda that is merely, in fact, window dressing for multinational corporations and the department of defense. It will not be examined here. I would remove this. It is out of place and deserves its own paper.

55 Don Terry, “Suburban America: Hiding place for thousands of war criminals?” Chicago Tribune, July 5, 2005.

56 See: “Public Security: ICE Wins Landmark Rwandan Genocide Case,” Inside ICE, Vol. 1, Issue 13, http://www.ice.gov/pi/news/insideice/articles/insideice_101204_web2.htm?searchstring=rwanda.

57 See e.g.: “Mrs. Bush’s Remarks in Honor of the Visiting Guests from the Mothers to Mothers-To-Be Programme in Capetown, South Africa,” The White House, March 13, 2006, http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2006/03/20060313-2.html.

58 Goodworks International has a permanent office in Kigali run by managing director Mary Kamari. The Goodworks promo film Rwanda Rising was showcased on Delta Airlines flights beginning in the fall 2007 (see: Rwanda Convention Association, http://www.rwandaconvention.org/past-conventions.htm).

59 Africa-America Institute, http://www.aaionline.org/About/Board.aspx.

60 Private communications, Rwandan researchers, June 2007.

61 Clinton Presidential Center, “Rwanda’s Ambassador to the U.S. Zac Nsenga Speaks on the Genocide 12 Years Ago,” http://www.clintonpresidentialcenter.org/062806-nr-pc-gn-rwa-pr-rwanda-ambassador-zac-nsenga-speaks.htm.

62 Genocide Intervention Network, http://www.genocideintervention.net/network/endorsers.

63 See: David Barouski, “Surviving the Rwanda Genocide: An Interview with Jean-Christophe Nzeyimana,” ZNET, June 19, 2007, http://www.zmag.org/racewatch/SurvivingtheGenocide.pdf.

64 Several of the Private Military Companies involved in Britain’s immigration detention centres, notably SODEXHO and SERCO, are also contracted to work at the U.S. torture center in Guantanamo Bay.

65 “British Charity Employs Doctor Accused of Crimes Against Humanity,” BBC Press Release, November 7, 2006.

66 “British Charity Employs Doctor Accused of Crimes Against Humanity,” BBC Press Release, November 7, 2006.

67 Private communication, Vaughan Jones, Praxis, March 13, 2008.

68 Private communication, Vaughan Jones, Praxis, March 13, 2008.

69 Private communication, British Department of Defense insider, March 12, 2008. The same insider has supported the Broken Arrows reports published by Wayne Madsen Report: Wayne Madsen, “Broken Arrows, Lies and the Vice President,” Wayne Madsen Report, April 8, 2007, http://www.factivism.com/content/view/94/33/.

70 Private communication, “Patrick Mahoro,” March 2008.

71 Private communication, “Patrick Mahoro,” March 2008.

72 Private communication, “Patrick Mahoro,” March 2008.

73 British Home Office, Immigration and Nationality Department, Numbers of Rwandan Asylum Seekers in U.K. from 1994-2003 (bar graph).

74 http://inspectorates.homeoffice.gov.uk/hmiprisons/inspect_reports/irc-inspections.html/

75 Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, UNHCR 1951.

76 Harm on Removal: Excessive Force against Failed Asylum Seekers, Medical Foundation, http://www.torturecare.org.uk/publications/reports/277.

77 Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Prisons: http://inspectorates.homeoffice.gov.uk/hmiprisons/inspect_reports/irc-inspections.html/.

78 “Rwandan Man Detained in Edinburgh,” Urgent Action Needed, http://www.care2.com/c2c/share/detail/364584.

79 Private communication, April 11, 2008.

80 Personal communications with Rwandan asylum seekers in the U.K., March and April 2008.

81 Uganda Deports 3000 Rwandan Refugees, VOA News, October 5, 2007, http://www.voanews.com/english/archive/2007-10/2007-10-05-voa38.cfm?CFID=221253244&CFTOKEN=34215106.

82 Private communication, Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, April 11, 2008.

83 Home Office News Release (005/2008), Government News Network, January 14, 2008, http://www.wired-gov.net/wg/wg-news-1.nsf/lfi/156324 (use a uniform font and size for all citations)

84 U.K. Home Office, Operational Guidance Note: Rwanda, Rwanda OGN v7.0, Issued 24 January 2007.

85 U.K. Home Office, Operational Guidance Note: Rwanda, Rwanda OGN v7.0, Issued 24 January 2007.

86 The term “demonstration elections” was coined by Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman. See, e.g., Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988) or The Political Economy of Human Rights: The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism (1979).

87 U.K. Home Office, Operational Guidance Note: Rwanda, Rwanda OGN v7.0, Issued 24 January 2007.

88 Private interview, Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana, Laredo TX, October 7, 2007.

89 There are many accusations against Paul Kagame for his role as DMI chief under Museveni. See, e.g., Remigius Kintu, The Truth Behind The Rwanda Tragedy (prepared upon request and presented to the ICTR at Arusha, Tanzania), March 20, 2005.

90 Private interview, Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana, Laredo TX, October 7, 2007.

91 Private communication, Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, April 9, 2008.

92 U.K. Home Office, Operational Guidance Note: Rwanda, Rwanda OGN v7.0, Issued 24 January 2007.

93 The most auspicious one-sided examples come from Africa Watch, a division of Human Rights Watch. See e.g., Rwanda: Talking Peace and Waging War: Human Rights Since the October 1990 Invasion, Africa Watch, Vol. IV, Issue No. 3, February 27, 1992. See also: by Mr. B.W. Ndiaye. Special Rapporteur, on his mission to Rwanda from 8 to 17 April 1993, United Nations Economic and Social Council, E/CN.4/1994/7/Add.1, 11 August 1993; and The Government and Armed Forces Responsible for the Reign of Terror in Rwanda, Press Release, Rights & Democracy, March 8, 1993.

94 See: Robin Philpot, Rwanda 1994: Colonialism Dies Hard, The Taylor Report and Robin Philpot, 2003.

95 The Operation Guidance on Rwanda refers case workers to the Rwanda lists on two websites: <www.gov.rw/government/category1.htm and www.parquetgeneral.gov.rw.

96 U.K. Home Office, Operational Guidance Note: Rwanda, Rwanda OGN v7.0, Issued 24 January 2007.

97 U.K. Home Office 2008.

98 See: “Home Office to water down anti-torture/war crime legislation under pressure from Israeli government,” The Guardian, February 7, 2006; and Vikram Dodd, “U.K. considers curbing citizens’ right to arrest alleged war criminals,” The Guardian, February 3, 2006.

99 Private communication, Moses Kenneth Bugingo Rugema, April 1, 2008.

100 The address of Rugewa’s business in London is: Longford Court, Belle Vue Road, London NW4 2BU (move this after ‘England.’ England; Tel: 00 44 [0] 208 201 5722 – Fax: 00 44 [0] 208 202 1616.

101 “President Kagame’s New Cabinet Stung by Allegations of Spy Chiefs Ménage a Trios,” Radio Katwe, Kampala, March 12, 2008.

102 “President Kagame’s New Cabinet Stung by Allegations of Spy Chief’s Ménage a Trios,” Radio Katwe, Kampala, March 12, 2008.

103 Private communications, Rwandan asylum seekers in the U.K., March and April 2008.

104 Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, United Nations High Commission for Refugees, 1951.

105 Private communications, Rwandan asylum seekers in the U.K., March and April 2008.

106 10 Downing Street, E-Petitions, Rwanda Petition, http://petitions.pm.gov.uk/rwandagenocide/.

107 Private communication, Rwandan refugee in London, March 2008.

108 Rwanda Diaspora Investment Ltd., www.investinrwanda.co.uk.

109 Frank Nyakairu, “Rwanda Speaks on PRA Training Bases,” The Monitor, November 28, 2004.

110 Private communication, Rwandan asylum seekers in England, March and April 2008.

111 Thomas Ofcansky, Rwanda: Recent History, www.europaworld.com and <http://www.zacharykaufman.com/pub/2007_book_chapter_rwanda_recent_history.pdf.

112 Private communication, “Patrick Mahoro,” April 1, 2008.

113 Africa Partnership Forum, October 4-5, 2005, http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/43/2/38983282.pdf.

114 Private communications, Rwandan refugees in England, March and April 2008.

115 Private communications, Rwandan refugees in England and U.S.A., and Rwandan journalists in Kigali.

116 Rwanda NEPAD Magazine, Issue 002, November 2004: http://www.nepad.gov.rw/docs/Rwanda_NEPAD_magazine_issue_2.pdf.

117 MSAADA, www.msaada.org.

118 IMIZI: www.imizi.org.

119 RYICO: www.ryico.org/index.html.

120 Aegis Trust, http://www.aegistrust.org/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=35&Itemid=66. Notably, Rock star and Africa champion Bob Geldof sits on the board of Ten Alps television production company alongside Tim Hoare, the head of Canaccord Adams, the advisers that re-launched Energem, the shady diamond and mercenary company, on the London Stock Market in December 2007. See: Ben Laurance, “Energy firm link to blood diamonds,” The Sunday Times, December 30, 2007; and keith harmon snow, “Gertler’s Bling Bang Torah Gang: Israel and the Holocaust in Congo,” All Things Pass, February 7, 2008, <www.allthingspass.com.

121 Survivor’s Fund, History of SURF, http://www.survivors-fund.org.uk/about/history.php.

122 Private communications, Rwandan refugees in England, March and April 2008.

123 Terri Judd, “Honour for Women Who Dedicated Her Life to Genocide Survivors,” The Independent, October 12, 2004.

124 Terri Judd, “Honour for Women Who Dedicated Her Life to Genocide Survivors,” The Independent, October 12, 2004.

125 Surf Founder Receives OBE from Prince Charles at Buckingham Palace Ceremony, February 29, 2008, http://www.survivors-fund.org.uk/assets/docs/pr/surf_founder_receives_obe.pdf.

126 Holocaust Memorial Day, http://www.hmd.org.uk/files/1157734432-106.pdf.

127 Ultimate Escape Health Spa, http://www.ultimate-escape.com/.

128 Private communication, “Patrick Mahoro,” April 8, 2008.

129 Fergal Keane, Season of Blood: A Rwandan Journey, Penguin Books, September 1997.

130 Trial of Sylvestre Gacumbitsi, ICTR Press Release, ICTR/INFO-9-2-353.EN, Arusha, 28 July 2003. (1 date format)

131 Private communication, Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, April 9, 2008.

132 Probably RPF soldiers Lt. Frank Ndore or his bodyguard Valence, both of whom worked with Fergal Keane.

133 Private communication, Phil Taylor, April 3, 2008.

134 Lindsay Hilsum, “Rwanda’s genocide could have been prevented. The UN let people die and now it watches as the survivors die,” The Observer, March 28, 2004.

135 Lindsay Hilsum, “Rwanda’s genocide could have been prevented. The UN let people die and now it watches as the survivors die,” The Observer, March 28, 2004.

136 Lindsay Hilsum, “Rwanda’s genocide could have been prevented. The UN let people die and now it watches as the survivors die,” The Observer, March 28, 2004.

137 Again, the most auspicious one-sided examples come from Africa Watch, a division of Human Rights Watch. See e.g., Rwanda: Talking Peace and Waging War: Human Rights Since the October 1990 Invasion, Africa Watch, Vol. IV, Issue No. 3, February 27, 1992. See also: by Mr. B.W. Ndiaye. Special Rapporteur, on his mission to Rwanda from 8 to 17 April 1993, United Nations Economic and Social Council, E/CN.4/1994/7/Add.1, 11 August 1993; and The Government and Armed Forces Responsible for the Reign of Terror in Rwanda, Press Release, Rights & Democracy, March 8, 1993.

138 Fergal Keane, “Ghosts of Rwanda,” PBS Frontline, March 19, 2004.

139 Fergal Keane, “Ghosts of Rwanda,” PBS Frontline, March 19, 2004. Add website link to his interview

140 Donatella Lorch, “Rwanda Rebels: Army of Exiles Fights for a Home,” New York Times, June 9, 1994: 10; and “Rwanda Rebels’ Victory Attributed To Discipline,” New York Times, July 19, 1994: 6. Raymond Bonner: “How Minority Tutsi Won the War,” New York Times, September 6, 1994: 6; and “Rwandan Refugees Flood Zaire as Rebel Forces Gain,” New York Times, July 15, 1994: 1.

141 Fergal Keane, “Ghosts of Rwanda,” PBS Frontline, March 19, 2004.

142 Fergal Keane, “Ghosts of Rwanda,” PBS Frontline, March 19, 2004.

143 Fergal Keane, “Ghosts of Rwanda,” PBS Frontline, March 19, 2004.

144 Philip Gourevitch, We Wish to Inform You that Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda, Farrar-Strauss-Giroux, 1998.

145 Private interview, Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana, Laredo, TX, October 2007.

146 Philip Gourevitch, We Wish To Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families: Stories From Rwanda, Farrar-Strauss-Giroux, 1998.

147 keith harmon snow, “The Grinding Machine: Terror and Genocide in Rwanda,” Toward Freedom, April 20, 2007.

148 See, e.g., Robin Philpot, “The New Yorker’s Congo Distortions: An Open Letter to Philip Gourevitch,” Counterpunch, June 7, 2003. See also Philip Gourevitch, “Annals of Diplomacy: The Genocide Fax,” The New Yorker, May 11, 2998, p. 42: http://www.newyorker.com/archive/1998/05/11/1998_05_11_042_TNY_LIBRY_000015508.

149 Philip Gourevitch, “Annals of Diplomacy: The Genocide Fax,” The New Yorker, May 11, 2998, p. 42: http://www.newyorker.com/archive/1998/05/11/1998_05_11_042_TNY_LIBRY_000015508.

150 See: Chris Black, “View From Rwanda: The Dallaire Genocide Fax: A Fabrication,” SCOOP, December 7, 2005.

151 Private communication, Chris Black, ICTR Lead Counsel, April 11, 2008.

152 Private communication, Chris Black, ICTR Lead Counsel, April 11, 2008.

153 “Genocide in Our Time,” United States Institute for Peace, http://www.usip.org/peacewatch/1998/1298/profile.html.

154 John Prendergast and David Smock, Post-Genocidal Reconstruction: Building Peace in Rwanda and Burundi, United States Institute for Peace, September 15, 1999, http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/sr990915.html.

155 See, e.g., Kane Yerbu (monthly newsletter of the Congregation Baith Israel Anshei Emes), November 10, 2006.

156 See: Michela Wrong, In The Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz, Fourth Estate, 2000: p. ix.

157 See e.g., Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Mellen Press, 1999.

158 See the case of Pastor Elizaphan Ntakirutimana as elaborated by Philip Gourevitch in We Wish To Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families: Stories From Rwanda, Farrar-Strauss-Giroux, 1998.

159 Private interview, Eliel Ntakirutimana, Laredo, TX, October 7, 2007.

160 “Rwanda Pastor Found Guilty by U.N. Tribunal,” Adventist News Network, February 19, 2003, http://news.adventist.org/data/2003/1045672278/index.html.en.

161 Private communication, Phil Taylor, April 6, 2008.

162 Louis-Pual Eyenga Sana, La Monuc nie la présence de l’armée rwandaise à l’Est de la RDC, Le Potentiel, February 8, 2008; http://www.lepotentiel.com/afficher_article.php?id_article=59209&id_edition=4242.

163 Kemal Saiki has issued false MONUC press releases to cover for the actions of MONUC troops, some of which involved criminal activities in intent and nature. False statements have also been made directly to this correspondent. See also: David Barouski, “Press Release,” World News Journal, February 8, 2008

164 See: David Barouski, “Press Release,” World News Journal, February 8, 2008

165 “USAID and Rwanda Ambassador Celebrate Rwandan Coffee,” USAID Press Release 0411-06-032, April 11, 2006, http://www.usaid.gov/press/releases/2006/pr060411_1.html.

166 Development Management Solutions, The East and Central Africa Global Competitiveness Trade Hub: Development of National AGOA Export Strategies, USAID, 5 October 2005, http://www.ecatradehub.com/reports/rp.downloads/2005.AGOA.Strategy.Rwanda.pdf.

167 Private communication, Eastern Congo. 2007.

168 Robin Philpot, Rwanda 1994: Colonialism Dies Hard. The Taylor Report and Robin Philpot, 2003; on the RPF cells, Robin Philpot cites: Reed, William Cyrus, “Exile, Reform and the Rise of the RPF/A,” in Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 34, No. 3, 1996, p. 496.

169 Private interview, Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana, Laredo, TX, October 7, 2008.

170 Mark Prutsalis, Rwandan Refugees in Tanzania, Refugees International, SITREP #10. May 17, 1994.

171 Mark Prutsalis, Rwandan Refugees in Tanzania, Refugees International, SITREP #10. May 17, 1994.

172 Mark Prutsalis, Rwandan Refugees in Tanzania, Refugees International, SITREP #10. May 17, 1994.

173 Mark Prutsalis, Rwandan Refugees in Tanzania, Refugees International, SITREP #10. May 17, 1994.

174 Mark Prutsalis, Rwandan Refugees in Tanzania, Refugees International, SITREP #10. May 17, 1994.

175 Mark Prutsalis, Rwandan Refugees in Tanzania, Refugees International, SITREP #10. May 17, 1994.

176 Thomas Lang, “CNN: Amnesia at Age 25,” Columbia Journalism Review, June 3, 2005, http://www.cjr.org/behind_the_news/cnn_amnesia_at_age_25.php.

177 United Nations Outgoing Code Cable. “The Gersoni ‘Report’ Rwanda,” October 14, 1994.

178 United Nations Outgoing Code Cable. “The Gersoni ‘Report’ Rwanda,” October 14, 1994.

179 United Nations Outgoing Code Cable. “The Gersoni ‘Report’ Rwanda,” October 14, 1994.

180 United Nations Outgoing Code Cable. “The Gersoni ‘Report’ Rwanda,” October 14, 1994.

181 United Nations Outgoing Code Cable. “The Gersoni ‘Report’ Rwanda,” October 14, 1994.

182 Official and formerly secret documents were obtained due to the perseverance of Professor Peter Erlinder, lead defense lawyer at the ICTR; some were recovered from United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UN-DPKO); most were first brought to the public sphere by Prof. Erlinder in the ‘Military I’ trial of Aloys Ntabakuze.

183 Nick Gordon, “Return to Hell,” Sunday Express, April 21, 1996, http://www.abarundi.org/documents/NGordon_RDA_eng_01.html.

184 Thijs Bouwknegt, “Rwanda’s Genocide: Remembrance and Ideology,” Radio Netherlands Worldwide, April 4, 2008, http://internationaljustice.rnw.nl/tribunals/ICTR/080403-rwanda-genocide-ideology.

185 Rock star Bob Geldof dropped into Rwanda while President Bush was there to show his support for the humanitarianism of G.W. Bush. Geldof praised Bush for his work in delivering billions to fight disease and poverty in Africa, and blasted the U.S. press for ignoring the achievement. “‘Mr. Bush,’ said Mr. Geldof, ‘has done more than any other president so far.'” See: “Bob Geldof in Rwanda Gives Bush his Props,” Washington Times, February 19, 2008.

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Russia just dealt a huge blow to Turkey over its downing of a Russian warplane

Russia just dealt a huge blow to Turkey over its downing of a Russian warplane

Business Insider

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov announced on Friday that Russia would be suspending its visa-free travel agreement with Turkey, in light of Turkey’s decision to shoot down a Russian warplane earlier this week.

The suspension, which will make it harder for Russians to travel to Turkey, is likely to have a significant negative impact on Turkey’s economy.

Russians account for a huge portion of Turkey’s tourism industry. About 3.3 million Russian tourists visited Turkey in 2014, the second-largest number of tourist arrivals after Germany and around 12% of total visitors, according to Reuters.

The move comes two days after Russia issued an official travel warning advising its citizens against visiting Turkey. Russian travel agencies have also announced that they will withdraw their business in Turkey until next year, according to a translation by Boris Zilberman, a Russia expert at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a Washington, D.C.-based think tank.

The move marks perhaps the culmination of Moscow’s attempts to retaliate against Ankara.

“Absent a clear Turkish apology, Putin had to show toughness and ‘react,'” geopolitical expert Ian Bremmer, president of Eurasia Group, told BI on Friday.

“But this reaction is carefully measured and not meant to create a tit for tat that becomes dangerous. Russians aren’t going to touch gas exports to Turkey. And I don’t see military escalation on either side.”

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(BBC)
An image from a BBC video showing the crash.

On Tuesday, Turkey ordered the shooting down of a Russian Su-24 fighter that Turkey accused of violating its airspace for roughly 17 seconds.

Turkey has defended its decision to down the plane, contending that the plane was in Turkish airspace and had been warned repeatedly before it was shot down by Turkish F-16 jets. Turkey released audio of those warnings on Thursday. But Russian President Vladimir Putin said the plane was destroyed by a Turkish missile while flying in Syrian airspace, roughly a mile from the Turkish border.

Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev called the act “criminal,” announcing on Thursday that Russia would place wide-ranging sanctions on “foodstuffs, labor, and services from Turkish companies” in Russia.

The sanctions “could bite into more than $30 billion in trade ties between the two countries, as police here began seizing Turkish products and deporting Turkish businessmen,” Andrew Roth, The Washington Post’s Moscow correspondent, wrote on Thursday with Karla Adam.

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erdogan putin

(Kayhan Ozer/Pool/Reuters)
Turkey’s President Tayyip Erdogan (2nd R) walks with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin prior to their meeting at the Group of 20 (G20) leaders summit in the Mediterranean resort city of Antalya, Turkey, November 16, 2015.

On Thursday, Putin threatened to pull out of the fight against ISIS, also known as the Islamic State, if Turkey downed another Russian jet. 

“We are ready to cooperate with the coalition which is led by the United States,” Putin said at a news conference on Thursday with French President Francois Hollande, acc

ording to The Guardian.

“But of course incidents like the destruction of our aircraft and the deaths of our servicemen … are absolutely unacceptable.”

On Friday, Erdogan reiterated during a speech in Bayburt, in northeast Turkey, that he didn’t want Turkey’s relations with Russia to suffer.

But, he added: “We very sincerely recommend to Russia not to play with fire.”

‘Geopolitical games’

Lavrov, the Russian foreign minister, accused Turkey on Friday of  “playing a game where terrorists are allocated the role of secret allies,” adding that Russia was ready to block the Turkish-Syrian border to “eradicate terrorism on Syrian soil.”

It is unclear how such a blockage would be enforced, or whether it would involve stationing Russian ground troops at the border.

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putin erdogan

(Osman Orsal/Reuters)
Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, right, with Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov of Russia, left, and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu of Turkey.

Russia has accused Turkey of facilitating the Islamic State’s rise by purchasing oil stolen and produced by the jihadist group in Syria.

“We established a long time ago that large quantities of oil and oil products from territory captured by the Islamic State have been arriving on Turkish territory,” Putin said on Wednesday from the Russian Black Sea resort of Sochi, before a meeting with Jordan’s King Abdullah.

Western officials have long harbored suspicions about Turkey’s links to the Islamic State. One official told The Guardian’s Martin Chulov in July that a US-led raid on the compound housing ISIS’ “chief financial officer” produced “undeniable” evidence that Turkish officials directly dealt with ranking ISIS members, mainly by purchasing oil from them.

Still, those links have never been confirmed — a point Erdogan made as he shot back on Friday, challenging Russia to provide proof that Turkey had ever engaged in financial dealings with ISIS.

Erdogan further accused Russia of supporting what he called the “state terrorism” of the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad that has “killed 380,000 people,” according to the Turkish state news agency Anadolu. 

Russia, a staunch ally of Assad, began launching airstrikes in Syria in late September on behalf of the Syrian government. But the lifelines Russia has thrown to Assad have not been limited to military aid.

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Russian Airstrikes 9 19 NOV fixed 01

(Institute for the Study of War)

On Wednesday, the US Treasury sanctioned Kirsan Ilyumzhino

v, a former president of the autonomous Russian Republic of Kalmykia, on suspicion of helping Syria’s central bank avoid international sanctions.

The Treasury Department also sanctioned Russian-Syrian businessman George Haswani for using his firm, Hesco Engineering and Construction Co., to purchase oil from the Islamic State on behalf of the Assad regime.

In response to the sanctions, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabokov said Washington should stop playing “geopolitical games.”

Russian officials complained on Thursday that they had not received a “clear apology” from Turkish officials over the downed plane, adding that they would not communicate with Turkey directly until Ankara apologized.

Though he acknowledged on Thursday that Turkey “may have warned the plane differently” had it known it was a Russian jet, Erdogan has refused to blink first.

“I think if there is a party that needs to apologize, it is not us,” he told CNN in an interview from Ankara.

He added: “Those who violated our airspace are the ones who need to apologize. Our pilots and our armed forces, they simply fulfilled their duties, which consisted of responding to … violations of the rules of engagement. I think this is the essence.”

NOW WATCH: Muslim woman in an American flag hijab blasts Trump’s comment about mosques.

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Rwanda Development

Rwanda_-_Analysis_of_Gender_and_Youth_Employment

Rwanda – CSP 2012-2016

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‘Rwanda Day’ Mobilizes 33,000 Diaspora for National Development, Reports KT Press

Oct 01, 2015, 08:35 ET from KT Press

THE HAGUE, Netherlands, Oct. 1, 2015 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ — All roads are headed to The Netherlands as Rwandan diaspora in Europe arrive for what has become known as ‘Rwanda Day.’ President Paul Kagame will be the biggest guest in town.

From October 3rd to 4th, Kagame will be meeting more than 4,000 Rwandans in Diaspora and friends of Rwanda, living in the Netherlands and around Europe to celebrate the country’s progress. High on the agenda will be discussions on how the diaspora takes part in the country’s rapid social-economic transformation.

The event, the 11th organized since 2011, is considered as a suitable platform for the government and Rwandans in Diaspora to interact.

Joel Ndoli Pierre, Director of the Office of the Government Spokesperson, said since Rwanda Day began, more than 33,000 Rwandans in Diaspora have been mobilized to take part in nation building.

Thousands of Rwandans who attended previous events, especially those living in North America, got to know about investment opportunities in their country and many have since made substantial investments back home.

With an audio-visual exhibition showcasing Rwanda’s journey, participants are taken through an in depth understanding of the steps that continue to shape the country.

Rwanda’s Ambassador to the Netherlands, Jean Pierre Karabaranga told KT Press: “The gathering serves as a time to reconnect with Rwanda’s history, learn about the Rwanda of today and be an integral part of defining Rwanda’s future.”

Meanwhile, there will be several items on the agenda.

The Rwandan Embassy in The Hague and Rwanda Development Board will organize, together with the Netherlands Africa Business Council, the Rwanda Business Matchmaking Event on Friday October 2, 2015.

The first counselor to the embassy, Robert Kayinamura said the event will take place at the KIT in Amsterdam, which was founded in 1910 as the ‘Colonial Institute’ to study the tropics and to promote trade and industry.

Part of Kagame’s entourage, according to a communique from the Embassy, includes CEOs and other business representatives of 300 Rwandan companies who expressed special interest in meeting the Dutch private sector.

With 7.5% growth, and an economy that has expanded more than ten-fold in just 10 years, there will be a lot to celebrate.

For Media Enquiries

Magnus Mazimpaka
KT Press
+250784507033
Email

SOURCE KT Press

http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/rwanda-day-mobilizes-33000-diaspora-for-national-development-reports-kt-press-300151919.html

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Memo to Dutch Politicians: Ask About Gikondo

Human Rights Watch

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Suharto’s Purge, Indonesia’s Silence

With American support, more than 500,000 people were murdered by the Indonesian Army and its civilian death squads. At least 750,000 more were tortured and sent to concentration camps, many for decades.

The victims were accused of being “communists,” an umbrella that included not only members of the legally registered Communist Party, but all likely opponents of Suharto’s new military regime — from union members and women’s rights activists to teachers and the ethnic Chinese. Unlike in Germany, Rwanda or Cambodia, there have been no trials, no truth-and-reconciliation commissions, no memorials to the victims. Instead, many perpetrators still hold power throughout the country.

Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous nation, and if it is to become the democracy it claims to be, this impunity must end. The anniversary is a moment for the United States to support Indonesia’s democratic transition by acknowledging the 1965 genocide, and encouraging a process of truth, reconciliation and justice.

On Oct. 1, 1965, six army generals in Jakarta were killed by a group of disaffected junior officers. Maj. Gen. Suharto assumed command of the armed forces, blamed the killings on the leftists, and set in motion a killing machine. Millions of people associated with left-leaning organizations were targeted, and the nation dissolved into terror — people even stopped eating fish for fear that fish were eating corpses. Suharto usurped President Sukarno’s authority and established himself as de facto president by March 1966. From the very beginning, he enjoyed the full support of the United States.

I’ve spent 12 years investigating the terrible legacy of the genocide, creating two documentary films, “The Act of Killing” in 2013 and “The Look of Silence,” released earlier this year. I began in 2003, working with a family of survivors. We wanted to show what it is like to live surrounded by still-powerful perpetrators who had murdered your loved ones.

The family gathered other survivors to tell their stories, but the army warned them not to participate. Many survivors urged me not to give up and suggested that I film perpetrators in hopes that they would reveal details of the massacres.

I did not know if it was safe to approach the killers, but when I did, I found them open. They offered boastful accounts of the killings, often with smiles on their faces and in front of their grandchildren. I felt I had wandered into Germany 40 years after the Holocaust, only to find the Nazis still in power.

Today, former political prisoners from this era still face discrimination and threats. Gatherings of elderly survivors are regularly attacked by military-backed thugs. Schoolchildren are still taught that the “extermination of the communists” was heroic, and that victims’ families should be monitored for disloyalty. This official history, in effect, legitimizes violence against a whole segment of society.

The purpose of such intimidation is to create a climate of fear in which corruption and plunder go unchallenged. Inevitably in such an atmosphere, human rights violations have continued since 1965, including the 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor, where enforced starvation contributed to the killing of nearly a third of the population, as well as torture and extrajudicial killing that go on in West Papua today.

Military rule in Indonesia formally ended in 1998, but the army remains above the law. If a general orders an entire village massacred, he cannot be tried in civilian courts. The only way he could face justice is if the army itself convenes a military tribunal, or if Parliament establishes a special human rights court — something it has never done fairly and effectively.

With the military not subject to law, a shadow state of paramilitaries and intelligence agencies has formed around it. This shadow state continues to intimidate the public into silence while, together with its business partners, it loots the national wealth.

Indonesia can hold regular elections, but if the laws do not apply to the most powerful elements in society, then there is no rule of law, and no genuine democracy. The country will never become a true democracy until it takes serious steps to end impunity. An essential start is a process of truth, reconciliation and justice.

This may still be possible. The Indonesian media, which used to shy from discussing the genocide, now refers to the killings as crimes against humanity, and grassroots activism has taken hold. The current president, Joko Widodo, indicated he would address the 1965 massacre, but he has not established a truth commission, issued a national apology, or taken any other steps to end the military’s impunity.

We need truth and accountability from the United States as well. U.S. involvement dates at least to an April 1962 meeting between American and British officials resulting in the decision to “liquidate” President Sukarno, the populist — but not communist — founding father of Indonesia. As a founder of the nonaligned movement, Sukarno favored socialist policies; Washington wanted to replace him with someone more deferential to Western strategic and commercial interests.

The United States conducted covert operations to destabilize Sukarno and strengthen the military. Then, when genocide broke out, America provided equipment, weapons and money. The United States compiled lists containing thousands of names of public figures likely to oppose the new military regime, and handed them over to the Indonesian military, presumably with the expectation that they would be killed. Western aid to Suharto’s dictatorship, ultimately amounting to tens of billions of dollars, began flowing while corpses still clogged Indonesia’s rivers. The American media celebrated Suharto’s rise and his campaign of death. Time magazine said it was the “best news for years in Asia.”

But the extent of America’s role remains hidden behind a wall of secrecy: C.I.A. documents and U.S. defense attaché papers remain classified. Numerous Freedom of Information Act requests for these documents have been denied. Senator Tom Udall, Democrat of New Mexico, will soon reintroduce a resolution that, if passed, would acknowledge America’s role in the atrocities, call for declassification of all relevant documents, and urge the Indonesian government to acknowledge the massacres and establish a truth commission. If the U.S. government recognizes the genocide publicly, acknowledges its role in the crimes, and releases all documents pertaining to the issue, it will encourage the Indonesian government to do the same.

This anniversary should be a reminder that although we want to move on, although nothing will wake the dead or make whole what has been broken, we must stop, honor the lives destroyed, acknowledge our role in the destruction, and allow the healing process to begin.

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Rwandan President Kagame ‘sparked 1994 genocide’

BBC news

Rwandan President Kagame ‘sparked 1994 genocide’

Paul Kagame in Paris - 11 September 2011 Paul Kagame has always insisted extremist Hutus shot down the plane carrying Juvenal Habyarimana

A former ally of Rwandan President Paul Kagame has accused him of complicity in the death of a former president which sparked the 1994 genocide.

Theogene Rudasingwa said he heard Mr Kagame boast in 1994 that he ordered the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana.

“By committing that kind of crime Kagame has the responsibility in the crime of genocide,” he told the BBC.

President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in the attack.

Mr Rudasingwa, who lives in the US, has fallen out with Mr Kagame in recent years and was sentenced in absentia in March to a 24-year jail term for threatening state security and propagating ethnic divisions.

‘Ridiculous’

Some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus died in the genocide which began on the evening of 6 April 1994, after Mr Habyarimana and Burundi’s leader died in the plane crash.

Hutu militias then began a campaign of orchestrated killing against Tutsis.

 
One hundred days later, the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriot Front rebel movement, led by Mr Kagame, captured Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, prompting thousands of Hutus, including some of the killers, to flee into Democratic Republic of Congo.

In 2006, a French judge accused Mr Kagame and his allies of killing Mr Habyarimana – an allegation he dismissed as “ridiculous”, insisting that extremist Hutus shot down the plane and blamed the RPF to provide a pretext for carrying out the premeditated slaughter.

He told the BBC’s HardTalk programme in 2007: “I am not responsible for Habyarimana’s death and I don’t care, I wasn’t responsible for his security and he wasn’t responsible for mine either. He wouldn’t have cared if I had died and I don’t care that it happened to him.”

But Mr Rudasingwa, the RPF’s secretary general and a major at the time of the genocide, said in a statement released over the weekend on his Facebook page that despite public denials Mr Kagame was responsible.

He said the RPF leader was aware at the time of the implications of downing the plane.

“He has fully understood that an action like that one might trigger consequences which, as we know, in our country and the Great Lakes region actually produced that crime of genocide,” Mr Rudasingwa told the BBC’s Great Lakes Service.

‘Lied for too long’

Mr Rudasingwa said he regretted that afterwards as Rwandan ambassador to the US he had promoted Mr Kagame’s version of events.

“It is regrettable that I should have been one of the people who was instrumental in explaining and selling this version of the story about the killing of President Habyarimana, the president of Burundi and all the people who perished with them,” he said.

Mr Rudasingwa, with other former RPF members, last year founded the Rwanda National Council, an organisation launched in exile in opposition to President Kagame’s government.

He said he had waited a long time before deciding to talk about what really happened.

“I think the most important thing is that finally I have come out with the truth,” he said.

“As to how long it has taken, it is two decades ago, but I think right now let’s focus on seeing how this is the truth. But, yes, I’ve lied for too long.”

Analysis

image of Mark Doyle Mark Doyle BBC News


Theogene Rudasingwa is by far the most senior former ally of Paul Kagame to have made the allegation that Mr Kagame was responsible for shooting down the plane carrying Juvenal Habyarimana.

I first met Mr Rudasingwa in 1994 on the front line between the then-rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) troops and the Rwandan government forces which were mainly responsible for carrying out the genocide.

It was just a few days after the plane went down. Mr Rudasingwa was one of a close circle of officers around Mr Kagame. He was the political ideologue for the RPF, with the rank of major, and he went on to become Rwanda’s ambassador in the US.

He is a thoughtful, careful and highly articulate man – very similar, in fact, to Mr Kagame. The president will doubtless deny the charge but will be furious that a man who he was once so close to has double-crossed him.

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9/11 conspiracy theories

BBC

 
28 August 2011 Last updated at 22:25 ET

9/11 conspiracy theories

It may be 10 years since the attacks in the US on 11 September, but conspiracy theories have not faded over time, says Mike Rudin.

Numerous official reports have been published since the Twin Towers fell, but just when a piece of evidence casts doubt on one theory, the focus then shifts to the next “unanswered question”.

Here are five of the most prominent 9/11 conspiracy theories circulating in online communities.

1. Failure to intercept the hijacked planes

The question: Why did the world’s most powerful air force fail to intercept any of the four hijacked planes?

Conspiracy theorists say: The then US Vice President Dick Cheney ordered the military to stand down and not to intercept the planes.

File photo of a F-15 fighter Fighter jets failed to intercept the hijacked planes

Official reports say: This was a highly unusual multiple hijacking with violence on board, and where the transponder, which identifies the plane, was turned off or changed.

What is more, a routine military training exercise happened to be taking place that day at US air defence command.

Air traffic controller Colin Scoggins was in constant contact with the military and did not see any lack of response. There was confusion and a lack of communication between the civilian air traffic control (FAA) and the military.

The military’s equipment was also outdated and designed to look out over the ocean to deal with a Cold War threat.

2. Collapse of the Twin Towers

The question: Why did the Twin Towers collapse so quickly, within their own footprint, after fires on a few floors that lasted only for an hour or two?

Conspiracy theorists say: The Twin Towers were destroyed by controlled demolitions. Theories relate to the rapid collapse (about 10 seconds), the relatively short-lived fires (56 minutes in World Trade Center 2 or 102 minutes in World Trade Center 1), reports of the sounds of explosions shortly before the collapse, and the violent ejections that could be seen at some windows many floors below the collapse.

Remains of World Trade Center buildings after the attacks on 11 September 2001 Five new skyscrapers are being built on the World Trade Center site

Official reports say: An extensive inquiry by the National Institute of Standards and Technology concluded that the planes severed and damaged support columns and dislodged fire-proofing.

Around 10,000 gallons of jet fuel were spewed over many floors starting widespread fires. Temperatures of up to 1,000C caused the floors to sag and the perimeter columns to bend, causing the sounds of “explosions”.

The massive weight of the floors dropped, creating a dynamic load far in excess of what the columns were designed for. Debris was forced out of the windows as the floors above collapsed.

Controlled demolition is nearly always carried out from the bottom floors up, yet this collapse started at the top.

No evidence has ever been found of explosive charges despite the extensive hand searches and there is no evidence of any pre-cutting of columns or walls, which is routinely carried out in a controlled demolition.

3. Attack on the Pentagon

The question: How could an amateur pilot fly a commercial plane in a complicated manoeuvre and crash it into the headquarters of the world’s most powerful military, 78 minutes after the first report of a possible hijack and leave no trace?

Part of the outer wall of the Pentagon collapsed after Flight 77 crashed into it A memorial in the grounds of the Pentagon marks the deaths of those who died when Flight 77 crashed

Conspiracy theorists say: A commercial Boeing 757 did not hit the building but instead a missile, a small aircraft or an unmanned drone was used. But since evidence has increasingly shown that the American Airlines Flight 77 did hit the building, the emphasis has shifted to questioning the difficult approach manoeuvre. It is argued it was not under the control of al-Qaeda but the Pentagon itself.

Official reports say: Airplane wreckage, including the black boxes, were recovered from the scene and they were catalogued by the FBI.

Although some early video did not show much wreckage, there is a good deal of video and still photography which shows plane wreckage and evidence of the flight path, such as broken lamp posts.

The remains of crew and passengers on the plane were found and positively identified by DNA. Witnesses also saw the plane strike the Pentagon.

4. The fourth plane – United Airlines flight 93

The question: Why was the crash site at Shanksville, Pennsylvania, so small and why was the aircraft debris not visible?

Conspiracy theorists argue: United Airlines flight 93 was shot down by a missile and disintegrated in mid air, scattering the wreckage over a large area.

The crash site of Flight 93 at Shanksville, Pennsylvania Forty-four people died when Flight 93 crashed in Shanksville, Pennsylvania

Official reports say: There are clear photographs showing aircraft wreckage and the cockpit voice recorder, which showed there had been a passenger revolt and the hijackers had deliberately crashed the plane.

Initial theories that heavy debris was scattered many miles from the main crash site turned out to be false. In fact the wind had blown light debris such as paper and insulation just over a mile.

Another theory was based on a misquote from the local coroner, Wally Miller, who said he stopped being a coroner after about 20 minutes because there were no bodies. What he also said was that he quickly realised it was a plane crash and there would have to be a large funeral service for the many victims.

In addition, the military never gave orders to the air force to shoot the commercial airliner down.

5. Collapse of World Trade Center Building 7

The question: How could a skyscraper, which was not hit by a plane, collapse so quickly and symmetrically, when no other steel-framed skyscraper has collapsed because of fire?

The remains of World Trade Center Building 7 Offices for civil emergencies, the CIA and the Secret Service were based in World Trade Center Building 7

Conspiracy theorists say: The World Trade Center Building 7 was destroyed by a controlled demolition using both explosives and incendiaries.

Initially the focus was on the phrase “pull it” used by the owner, Larry Silverstein, in a TV interview. But in fact he was talking about pulling firefighters back. (Demolition experts do not use the term “pull it” as slang for setting off explosives.)

Now the focus has shifted to the speed of the collapse which reached near free fall for 2.25 seconds. It is argued only explosives could make it collapse so quickly and symmetrically.

Some scientists, who are sceptical of the official account, have examined four dust samples from Ground Zero and claim to have found thermitic material which reacts violently when heated up. They claim tonnes of thermite and conventional explosives were rigged inside, not just WTC7, but also the Twin Towers.

Continue reading the main story

Find out more

  • The Conspiracy Files: 9/11 – Ten Years On will be broadcast on Monday 29 August 2011 at 21:00 BST on BBC Two

Official reports say: A three-year investigation by the National Institute of Standards and Technology concluded that the building collapsed because of uncontrolled fires, started by the collapse of the nearby North Tower, and which burnt for seven hours.

The mains water feeding the emergency sprinkler system was severed. No evidence has ever been found of explosive charges and there are no recordings of a series of very loud explosions that would have been expected with controlled demolition.

Furthermore, there is an alternative explanation for the “thermitic material” the sceptical scientists found in the dust – it is just a type of primer paint. It’s calculated 1,200,000 tonnes of building materials were pulverised at the World Trade Center and most minerals are present in the dust (not necessarily in a large quantity). More extensive sampling of the dust has not found any evidence of thermite or explosives, says a report from the US Geological Survey and another from RJ Lee.

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Rwanda opposition leader in court on terror charge

Associated Press

KIGALI, Rwanda (AP) — A top Rwandan opposition leader appeared in court Wednesday with four others to face terrorism charges.

Prosecutor Bonaventure Ruberwa told the court that Victoire Umuhoza Ingabire was in “constant contact” with rebels in the Congo in an effort to destabilize Rwanda. The court also mentioned that Paul Rusesabagina was Ingabire’s accomplice, although he has not been formally charged and was not in court Wednesday, as he lives in the U.S.

Rusesabagina gained international fame after he was portrayed by Don Cheadle helping hide families from genocidal killers in the film Hotel Rwanda. Rwandan officials have requested U.S. help in gathering evidence against him.

“We have statements from the accused and papers showing the working relationships between them and the two politicians aimed at terrorizing the country,” said Ruberwa.

All four of Ingabire’s co-accused plead guilty. Ingabire did not yet get a chance to enter plea or present her defense.

Ingabire returned to Rwanda in January after 16 years to challenge President Paul Kagame by leading the opposition political party FDU-Inkingi. Kagame was re-elected in an August vote, and Ingabire was barred from contesting the poll. She is accused of propagating ethnic hatred, forming a terrorist organization and “genocide revisionism.” Her lawyers say the charges are politically motivated.

Human rights groups accuse the Rwandan government of using allegations of terrorism to stifle opposition.

The trial resumes on Thursday.

Posted in Africa, African Great Lakes, DR Congo, Governance, Human Rights, Rwanda | Tagged , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

U.S. Hosted Alleged Rwandan War Criminal for Military Visit

the Atlantic

U.S. Hosted Alleged Rwandan War Criminal for Military Visit

By Armin Rosen

 

How a Rwandan captain indicted for war crimes ended up on a government-approved tour of the U.S., and what it says about our relationship with the international justice system, and with Rwanda

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             The great hall of the U.S. Army base and military staff college at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, where officials say they recently received Justus Majyambere, a Rwandan military officer who is wanted on charges for alleged war crimes / Wikimedia Commons

In late May, a handful of modestly sourced news accounts, few of them in English, reported that a Rwandan military official had been arrested in the United States, possibly even in Washington, DC, for alleged war crimes committed during the 1990s — only to re-appear in his home country a few days later. The truth of what happened would turn out to be far more complicated and surprising. An investigation by TheAtlantic.com reveals that the Rwandan official, who is currently under international indictment for the suspected killing of Spanish non-government organization (NGO) employees in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, visited a U.S. military facility while on official business for the Rwandan government, and with the specific permission of the U.S. government. Though it’s still unclear whether he was actually arrested or just briefly detained while entering the United States, the case exposes the complexity of a U.S.-Rwandan relationship in which human rights and strategic interests are coming into increasing conflict. It also underscores how little reach international law has within U.S. borders, at times compromising the possibility of bringing suspected war criminals to justice.

According to multiple European media reports, including a May 25 article in Spain’s El Pais newspaper, Justus Majyambere, a major in the Rwandan Defense Forces, was arrested during a visit to the United States. In 2008, Majyambere had been indicted in absentia in Spain for his alleged role in the killing of nine Spanish NGO workers in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the years following the 1994 Rwandan ethnic genocide.

Since the genocide ended and rebel leader Paul Kagame took over as president, a post he has now held for 11 years, Rwanda and the United States have enjoyed close relations. Kagame’s Rwanda is often described as the most politically stable nation in central Africa; for a time, Kagame himself was seen as a potential savior for a region riven with conflict. But Kagame’s human rights record has come under increasing scrutiny, particularly after his purported 93 percent victory in last year’s presidential election. Secretary of State Hilary Clinton conspicuously avoided Rwanda during both of her trips to Africa.

The arrest of a Rwandan government official on ostensibly friendly foreign soil would have dealt a blow to the U.S.-Rwanda relationship. The Rwandan government is extremely sensitive about the international justice system. A number of Rwandan officials are currently under foreign indictments, making travel for them difficult and undermining the government’s international legitimacy. Many, including Kagame himself, were indicted in absentia in France in 2006, an incident that imploded relations between the two countries.

For Spain, the stakes are hardly lower. According to Leonardo Marcos, an official at the Spanish embassy in Washington, DC, Majyambere is currently under an Interpol “red notice,” a worldwide bulletin that is roughly equivalent to an arrest warrant in much of the European Union, but is treated with less authority in the United States. As far as Spain is concerned, Majyambere is a fugitive from justice, and a war criminal responsible for the murder of Spanish citizens.

A few days after the initial reports of Majyambere’s arrest, the story died. It wasn’t mentioned in a single American newspaper. In light of Rwandan denials and a lack of official confirmation of Majyambere’s arrest, the story seemed more like an online rumor than cause for a diplomatic showdown between the U.S., Spain, and Rwanda. Even Marcos said that the Spanish government’s official position on the matter is that the media reports are a case of mistaken identity. “Maybe the American police detained or arrested somebody with a similar or the same name,” said Marcos. “But this person, Justus Majyambere, has been not arrested yet.”

Even for the Spanish embassy, reports of Majyambere’s arrest are based on unsubstantiated reports — little more than rumors. But those rumors have turned out to be grounded in fact. According to a memo from Spain’s National Central Bureau of Interpol to Spanish Judge Fernando Andreu, on May 15, the U.S. Central Bureau of Interpol sent an urgent message to their Spanish counterparts. Somewhere in the United States, border police had run a background check on an individual suspected of “illegal immigration.” The check returned Majyambere’s red notice, producing a flurry of communication between Spain’s Interpol office and Judge Andreu, whose court had indicted Majyambere, along with 39 other Rwandan military officers, in 2008.

Interpol told Andreu that the U.S. had detained an individual named Justus Mayambere, who was born in Mbarara, Uganda in 1966. According to Jordi Palou-Rognoni, a Spanish lawyer who was instrumental in pushing for the 2008 indictments, Andreu later intimated to the Americans that they had, in fact, detained an individual who his court had indicted three years earlier. “The Judge confirmed the international arrest warrant to the U.S. authorities,” Rognoni said in an email, “and that [Majyambere] was active under a red code (confirming the suspect was born in 1966 in Mbarara, Uganda).”

Yet Rognoni added that Spanish officials lacked a photograph of the suspect. The letter from Interpol to Andreu, obtained by TheAtlantic.com, expressed a certain muted frustration at the U.S. authorities. “Despite what has been stated,” the letter reads, “the American authorities can not confirm that this person came to their country.” In any event, a Rwandan radio station in Kigali reported on May 25 that Majyambere had safely returned to Rwanda.

None of the officials who spoke on or off the record for this article have been able to confirm whether the person detained on May 15 was in fact Majyambere. But a body of circumstantial evidence strongly suggests that he was. Military officials in both the United States and Rwanda and law enforcement officials in the U.S. confirm that Majyambere did in fact enter the United States on May 15. He had left Rwanda the previous day, later boarding a flight from Amsterdam to Detroit.

RDF spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Jules Rutaremara confirmed that Majyambere visited, saying that he was traveling in his official capacity as a staff director at Rwanda’s military academy, along with two other RDF officers. They were interested, Rutaremara said, in starting a Rwandan war college, modeled in part after those in the U.S. The U.S. Army has an internationally respected military staff college at Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, where the Rwandan delegation stayed from May 15 to 21, according to Leavenworth media relations official Rebecca Steed. Despite the Spanish indictment, the Interpol red notice, and what reports suggest may have been temporary arrest upon landing in the U.S., Majyambere was able to travel freely throughout the country. He even met with Brigadier General Sean McFarland, the fort’s deputy commandant.

The United States and Spain share an extradition treaty, which enables both countries to detain and extradite anyone indicted by the other country’s justice system. It’s unclear why, then, the Rwandan government would risk sending Majyambere to the U.S., knowing that the extradition treaty compelled his arrest. But the RDF says they weren’t concerned, and that Majyambere’s case never came up during preparations for his visit to the United States. “You secure a guarantee [not to arrest] after discussions and negotiations,” said spokesperson Rutaremara over email. “RDF did not discuss or negotiate with anyone regarding Majyambere’s case.”

That the U.S. government would choose not to object to an accused war criminal’s official presence in the United States — tolerating his presence even after law enforcement learned of the red notice, and allowing him to return home unmolested — reveals the U.S.’s complicated relationship with the Rwandan government and with international law itself.

•  •  •

Majyambere’s case stands at the center of two interrelated diplomatic subplots: the U.S.’s growing wariness of Rwandan president Paul Kagame, and its longtime ambivalence towards international legal mechanisms, like the International Criminal Court or the still-controversial idea of universal jurisdiction for human rights-related crimes.

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George W. Bush with Rwandan President Kagame / Reuters

Both stances are fraught with contradictions. On Rwanda, the United States supports the Kagame government for its stability and overall competence, although human rights concerns have caused the relationship to cool. In the years after the Rwandan genocide, “The view was, ‘Look, this is a rough neighborhood and the value of having a stable ally that actually has control over territory is worth kind of looking the other way,'” Laura Seay, an assistant professor of political science at Morehouse College with an expertise in Central Africa, told me. “What we’ve seen in the last couple years is a shift away form those policies,” and a shift towards not being as congratulatory and not discussing Rwanda as one of the ‘golden boys of Africa.'” Seay said that, significantly, the United States did not even congratulate Kagame on his reelection last year, which he won with 93 percent of the vote amid allegations of fraud.

U.S. policy on international law is even murkier. The U.S. still hasn’t signed on to the Rome Statute to participate in the International Criminal Court, despite its heavy rhetorical support for human rights. This isn’t quite as hypocritical as it would seem: incidents like former vice president Richard Cheney’s indictment in Nigeria last year demonstrate that universal jurisdiction has its setbacks. Jeremy Rabkin, a law professor at George Mason University, explained that an overly-broad concept of legal jurisdiction could undermine global diplomacy and sew more chaos than it prevents. “Criminal prosecution is the most severe thing you can do short of unleashing troops or cruise missiles,” Rabkin said. “There’s a whole range of things you can do before you get up to that.”

In May of 2008, Rwanda, international legal theory, and even Majyambere himself converged in a meeting between then-U.S. ambassador at-large for war crimes issues Clint Williamson and Spanish officials — a meeting documented in a Wikileaks cable. “Ambassador Williamson urged the Spanish government to reach out to the Rwandan government at the political level to try to ease tensions over the Spanish judiciary’s indictment of 40 Rwandan officials in connection with the deaths of nine Spanish citizens between 1994 and 2000,” the U.S.-authored cable says. Later in the meeting, Spanish officials admitted that the indictment had strained relations with Rwanda; the Spanish Director General for Africa even implied that Judge Andreu had been reckless in indicting scores of high-ranking members of the Rwandan military:

Deputy DG for Africa Sanchez-Benedito told Williamson May 19 that the family and associates of the nine Spanish victims had convinced the Spanish judge to take on the case and that all of the testimony and evidence gathered pointed to forces within the RPF as responsible. He said the judge therefore decided to expand the prosecution to include nearly the entire Rwandan military and senior government apparatus with the exception of Kagame, noting that he was exempted solely because of his immunity as head of state.

The indictment — which included Majyambere — had apparently become a diplomatic burden to Spain, Rwanda, and the United States. And, according to a human rights researcher who spoke on the condition of anonymity, the indictment is “not very well put together,” and “too wide-ranging in the number of cases it’s trying to cover.”

But the case did not go away. Rwanda was forced to recall defense attaché Rugumya Gaginya from its embassy in Washington, DC after Andreu’s court indicted him. Last year, Stop Impunity in Rwanda, a Spanish organization which also helped push for the indictments, led a campaign to extradite former RDF official Kayumba Nyamwasa from South Africa.

The indictments still carry the force of law, putting the U.S. government in the uncomfortable position of having to choose between international legal norms that it has yet to fully embrace, and a problematic relationship with a regional ally — an ally whose human rights record is getting increasingly more ominous.

In October of 2010, the Kagame government suffered one of the worst setbacks in its 11-year history. That month, the United Nations released a mapping report cataloguing human rights violations in the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1993 and 2003. The report documented the heavy toll of Rwanda’s 1996 and 1998 invasions in the Congo, singling out the Rwandan army and its proxies for “the apparently relentless pursuit and mass killing … of Hutu refugees, members of the former Armed Forces of Rwanda and militias implicated in the genocide of 1994 (Interahamwe).”. While Majyambere himself is not mentioned in the report, he was a high-ranking officer during the period it covers — if the Rwandan military did pursue a policy of targeting Hutu civilians, he likely would have been involved in implementing it.

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania is only empowered to prosecute crimes committed during the 1994 genocide. This effectively gives the Kagame government a pass on human rights violations it might have committed in the years after the conflict, during its attempts at weeding out Hutu genocidaires who had taken refuge in eastern Congo. That could now change. “The mapping report definitely provides a basis for legal proceedings,” Seay said.

But what kind of legal proceedings? And by whom? Rognoni, the Spanish lawyer, views his country’s prosecution as a chance to establish legal accountability for human rights violations like the ones described in the mapping report. “When we talk about crimes against humanity or genocide or war crimes we’re talking about the most severe crimes,” he said. The Spanish indictments have at least limited officials’ ability to travel in Europe; if it weren’t for the Spanish court system, Rognoni said, the accused might enjoy total impunity. Seay said that she is more reticent about the effects of judicial activism on human rights. “It can make a difference at least in finding people and tracking them down,” she said. “But, does it reek of neo-colonialism and overreach into an independent country’s affairs? Absolutely. Can we trust that that country is one that will ensure that justice is done no matter who the perpetrators are? Right now, the answer is no.”

The Spanish indictment broadly accused Majyambere and 39 other Rwandan officers of war crimes committed in Rwanda and the Congo in the late 90s. . Yet it specifically accuses Majyambere of plotting to kill Spanish NGO workers. Rognoni told me that a “protected witness who was part of Rwandan Patriotic Army” places Majyambere at a meeting in which an attack that resulted in the deaths of three Spanish doctors was planned. “That witness knew that Captain Majyambere was in charge of that operation together with another person, there that was a mixed team of gendarme and the military,” said Rognoni. The indictment itself says that Majyambere “would have been one of the members who participated in the attack on the headquarters of Medicos del Mundo and in the murder of Manuel Madrazo, Flores Sirera and Luis Valtuena.”

The U.S. didn’t take these accusations very seriously, even though they involve the alleged murder of a close ally’s citizens at the hands of a government with a troubling human rights record. According to the Ft. Leavenworth press office, any foreign visitors to a U.S. military installation are subject to a rigorous background check. “Foreign officer requests to visit are worked through appropriate Defense and State Department channels to include embassies in the requesting countries and military commands with responsibility for the country and region,” wrote Steed in an email. The Rwandan request for this particular trip was “processed through US AFRICOM, and all travel was coordinated through the US Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda.” According to Steed, military officials at Ft. Leavenworth had no idea that Majyambere was an accused war criminal, or that there was an active Interpol red notice out on him.

By all accounts, Majyambere’s visit was a routine one, his alleged detention (which at this point remains unconfirmed) an easily ignored hiccup, rather than a full-blown international incident. Faced with a choice between upholding international law and maintaining good ties with an ally whose human rights record is questionable enough to attract UN investigations and international indictments, the U.S. chose the latter.This article available online at:

http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2011/06/us-hosted-alleged-rwandan-war-criminal-for-military-visit/240679/

 

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48 women raped every hour in Congo, study finds

48 women raped every hour in Congo, study finds

Associated Press

By RUKMINI CALLIMACHI, Associated Press Rukmini Callimachi, Associated Press 26 mins ago

DAKAR, Senegal – The African nation of Congo has been called the worst place on earth to be a woman. A new study released Wednesday shows that it’s even worse than previously thought: 1,152 women are raped every day, a rate equal to 48 per hour.

That rate is 26 times more than the previous estimate of 16,000 rapes reported in one year by the United Nations.

Michelle Hindin, an associate professor at Johns Hopkins’ Bloomberg School of Public Health who specializes in gender-based violence, said the rate could be even higher. The source of the data, she noted, is a survey that was conducted through face-to-face interviews, and people are not always forthcoming about the violence they have suffered when talking to strangers.

“The numbers are astounding,” she said.

Congo, a nation of 70 million people that is equal in size to Western Europe, has been plagued by decades of war. Its vast forests are rife with militias that have systematically used rape to destroy communities.

The analysis, which will be published in the American Journal of Public Health in June, shows that more than 400,000 women had been raped in Congo during a 12-month period between 2006 and 2007.

On average 29 Congolese women out of every 1,000 had been raped nationwide. That means that even in the parts of Congo that are not affected by the war, a woman is 58 times more likely to be raped than a woman in the United States, where the annual rate is 0.5 per 1,000 women.

Previous estimates of the number of rapes were derived from police and health center reports in the nation’s troubled east where the conflict is concentrated. The authors of the study used figures from a government health survey and pooled data from across the country.

The highest frequency of rape was found in North Kivu, the province most affected by the conflict, where 67 women per 1,000 had been raped at least once.

“The message is important and clear: Rape in (Congo) has metastasized amid a climate of impunity, and has emerged as one of the great human crises of our time,” said Michael VanRooyen, the director of the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative.

Margot Wallstrom, the U.N. special representative for sexual violence in conflict, welcomed the study.

“Conflict-related sexual violence is one of the major obstacles to peace in the DRC,” she said in statement, using the initials for Congo. “Unchecked it could disrupt the entire social fabric of the country.”

Wallstrom said the figures in the study are higher than the U.N.’s because it covers all sexual violence — including domestic and intimate partner violence — not just from military actors.

U.N. figures tend to be conservative because they must be verified by the organization itself, she said.

Wallstrom said she consistently stresses that “the number of reported violations are just the tip of the iceberg of actual incidents.”

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Associated Press Writers Saleh Mwanamilongo in Kinshasa, Congo, Edith Lederer in New York and Mike Stobbe in Atlanta contributed to this report.

Posted in Africa, African Great Lakes, DR Congo, Human Rights, Rwanda, Uganda | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment